Thursday 31 January 2013

Study of vegetation changes challenges long-held theories of human evolution

A new analysis of the past 12 million years' of vegetation change in the cradle of humanity is challenging long-held beliefs about the world in which our ancestors took shape -- and, by extension, the impact it had on them.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/01/130131121304.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Aztec conquest altered genetics among early Mexico inhabitants, new DNA study shows

An anthropology researcher has discovered that ancient Aztecs genetically altered the original Otomi inhabitants of Mexico.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/01/130131095234.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Tuesday 29 January 2013

AAA Anthropology in Public Policy Award Nominations Due Feb 1

The American Anthropological Association (AAA) Committee on Public Policy (CoPP) has established a major biennial award, the AAA Anthropology in Public Policy Award (APP-COPP for short) to acknowledge and honor anthropologists whose work has had a positive influence on the course of government or major institution decision-making and action at any level (local, regional, national) and anywhere in the world. The award will be conferred every other year starting in 2013 in rotation with the AAA Solon T Kimball award. Winners will be publicly announced at the AAA annual meeting, receive $500, and be invited to give a public lecture at that year’s AAA meeting (the association will waive the meeting registration fee). The deadline for nominations is February 1.


The first award will be made in November 2013 to a living anthropologist nominated for a specific policy-relevant accomplishment made within the past three calendar years (for the 2013 award, however, the five previous calendar years will be considered). Nomination will consist of the submission (preferably via electronic means) of a nomination package by one individual (not by an organization, institution or publisher). The package will include:


1. One signed letter of nomination


2. Three to five letters of support


3. A copy of the nominee’s current brief CV (four pages maximum)


4. One to three supporting documents that indicated the nominee’s policy work and contributions.


All nomination materials must be submitted in English and fonts no smaller than 12 points. Joint nominations are accepted. For details regarding nomination materials and information on the award, visit http://www.aaanet.org/cmtes/ppc/AIPP-award.cfm.


Please send nomination materials by email to: publicpolicyaward@aaanet.org. For inquiries, please contact the award committee chair, Merrill Singer, at merrill.singer@uconn.edu


What kind of work might be eligible?


All work that involves activism or advocacy resulting in changes, to or even simply informing, public policy will be considered. Here we will note that the committee solicited nominations of anthropologists after whom we might name the award two times in 2012. We had a very fine pool of nominees and thank all nominators for their careful and thoughtful nomination statements. In the end, however, process concerns trumped the desire to honor a predecessor: the committee did not wish to artificially narrow the field of applicants by inadvertently suggesting that only work related to anyone named in the award’s title might be eligible. We voted therefore to retain the generic award label.


Still, we realize that some readers will be looking for ideas regarding nominations. So, with the caveat that the field is wide open, here are some areas that we expect might be relevant (while recognizing that anthropologists work in many policy-relevant areas and that this is a very partial list): water policy, integration of the armed forces, gender equity, child labor laws, disability rights, gay marriage, standardized testing in K-12, health policy (eg, Affordable Care Act, HIV/AIDS policies), organ transfer/donation, environmental toxins, disaster mitigation, organic and biodynamic food systems, under-age soldiers, climate change, drug policy, global health, human trafficking, First Peoples’ land rights, repatriation, immigration, and the like.


About CoPP


CoPP is administered by the AAA Department of Public Affairs, and reports to the Executive Board. There are seven committee members, including the chairs; each has a three year term. Four are elected by AAA’s membership; three are appointed by the AAA president. The AAA president, the AAA president-elect, and one member of the executive board also sit on the committee. For more detailed information on CoPP, visit AAA Committee on Public Policy.


Susan B Hyatt is contributing editor of Views on Policy, the AN column of the AAA Committee on Public Policy. She may be contacted at sbhyatt@iupui.edu.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/01/29/aaa-anthropology-in-public-policy-award-nominations-due-feb-1/

Friday 25 January 2013

Ovarian tumor, with teeth and a bone fragment inside, found in a Roman-age skeleton

A team of researchers has found the first ancient remains of a calcified ovarian teratoma, in the pelvis of the skeleton of a woman from the Roman era. The find confirms the presence in antiquity of this type of tumor -- formed by the remains of tissues or organs, which are difficult to locate during the examination of ancient remains. Inside the small round mass, four teeth and a small piece of bone were found.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/01/130124091427.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Thursday 24 January 2013

Recollections of the 2012 Presidential Debates and the Politics of Food Assistance

Election years remind us of the impact social science holds in political debates. Political polls are inspired by social science research. The way opinion polls select people is socially driven. And, the manner at which social science is used to support candidate’s claims reminds us of how consciously we must work to research topics that are highly politicized. Now, with the inauguration upon us, we reflect on this election year and the issues that rose from the debates of food assistance programs.


Recall the presidential debates in October 2012. Both Romney and Obama gave point and counterpoint on the state of the US economy and welfare programs. In their attempt to guide us through the debates and promote public awareness, political analysts debated the accuracy of each candidate’s declarations and the statistical references they used to support their political positions. The Huffington Post ran live blog updates during the debates to dispel any inaccuracies during the campaign (coverage of the final debate here).


In the first debate, the candidates explored poverty-related issues by discussing entitlement versus welfare. Entitlement programs structure what people have a right to access. Social security, for example, is an entitlement. As citizens, we pay into social security, so we are entitled to receive it. Medicare is an entitlement because we pay taxes to support the program. Whether you need Social Security or Medicare is not the question, citizens are entitled to those programs and will receive the benefits because they have paid into these programs. Medicaid, on the other hand, is a welfare program. No one gets Medicaid unless they need it; the same holds for food stamps.


Medicaid and Food Stamps were among the welfare programs that were reiterated throughout the debates. Spotlight on Poverty and Opportunity ran an editorial after the first debate titled, “Do words matter?” and tracked the number of times candidates discussed poverty-related topics in point and counterpoint of the debates. On the topics of poverty, Medicaid was the only issue discussed by both candidates in the first debate, and Romney discussed the Food Stamp Program while reflecting on the growth of poverty in the US and perceived failures by the President. This became a major point he carried throughout all the other debates.


In the final debate, Romney politicized the food stamp program. He stated that the policies under President Obama have driven more people to need food stamps. Romney viewed the growing need for food stamps among Americans as a failure of the Obama Administration. Romney’s case was mentioned by NPR as one of “five takeaways” from the Presidential debates. On October 22, 2012, during the final debate, Romney said:


The policies of the last four years have seen incomes in America decline every year for middle income families. Now down 4,300 dollars during your term. 23 million Americans still struggling to find a good job. When you came to office 32 million people on food stamps. Today, 47 million people on food stamps. When you came to office, just over ten trillion dollars in debt; now, 16 trillion dollars in debt. It hasn’t worked. You said by now we’d be at 5.4% unemployment. We’re 9 million jobs short of that.


In his closing argument, Romney took the moment to clarify his position on food stamps:


I’ll get people back to work with 12 million new jobs. I gotta make sure we get people off of food stamps. Not by cutting the program but by getting them good jobs. America’s gonna come back and for that to happen we’re going to have to have a President who can work across the aisle.


As anthropologists, we know that words matter because they shape the way citizens understand today’s economic problems. We know that food stamps provide a safety net. We also know that people in poverty are constrained when shopping for food which can lead to poor selection of processed foods. We know that food stamp users have experienced social stigma, which is one of the rationales for using the Electronic Benefits Transfer (EBT) card for those who are eligible. Curtis and McClellan, in 1995, discussed the history of food assistance programs in the US and the social stigma attached to people supported by those programs in an article titled “Falling through the safety net: poverty, food assistance, and shopping constraints in an American City,” published in Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural Systems and World Economic Development. Curtis and McClellan discuss the inadequacies of the current welfare and food assistance programs in the US – many of which still persist over a decade since their publication.


Anthropologists also know that many people are disqualified from receiving food stamps even when they need it. And, we appreciate that food stamps are not a solution to our nation’s hunger or poverty solutions. Despite this understanding, we have not been successful in changing the discourses and images of food assistance in the US. Morgan and Maskovsky published “The Anthropology of Welfare Reform” in the Annual Review of Anthropology in 2003. They claimed that anthropologists have “refused to analyze welfare ‘reform’ on the narrow terms set by the policy elite. This may account for the discipline’s relatively limited influence in the domestic policy arena,” (pp. 317). Perhaps, we should reevaluate our role as researchers and activists to consider the ways the politics of food diminish the right to food and dehumanize those supported by welfare programs. Is a right to food an entitlement? Should it be considered one? If political discourses describe “failure” through the examples of families on food stamps, then are they not perpetuating the stigma associated with food assistance programs? These are all questions that require scholarly consciousness when researching the US food system, particularly as we anticipate the next four years of reform.


Please send your news and items of interest to SAFN Contributing Editors Alyson Young (agyoung@ufl.edu ) or Meredith Gartin (Meredith.Gartin@asu.edu). Visit the SAFN blog space at http://foodanthro.wordpress.com .






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/01/24/recollections-of-the-2012-presidential-debates-and-the-politics-of-food-assistance/

Message from the Anthropology and Environment Society President

The Anthropology and Environment Society, now 700 strong, had a very productive year as evidenced at the recent meetings in San Francisco. We have a new public face, comprising a website, a Facebook page, and a Twitter feed at @AnthEnvironment. Aside from providing information on section activities, the website serves as a conduit for research findings in environmental anthropology and also provides some original content. Most notable has been the Engagement blog, edited by Rebecca Garvoille and Noah Theriault, with postings on real-world engagements and impacts by anthropologists. The Facebook page, coordinated by Amelia Moore, already has over 1,000 followers.


At the San Francisco meetings, A&E sponsored (or co-sponsored) three sessions: Ecological Anthropology 2012 (Yancey Orr and Sean Downey), Knowledge Boundaries: Conceptual and Methodological Challenges In Studying Indigenous Knowledge (Mark Moritz and Matthew Lauer), and Prognosis Politics: Visions of Resource Futures (Jessica Barnes). We also put on the annual Rappaport Student Award Panel (David Hoffman, Katja Neves, Crystal Fortwangler and Robert Fletcher), ran a dissertation workshop (Sarah Besky and Andrew Mathews), and a poster session. Courtney Carothers served as our program chair and we are deeply grateful for her outstanding work. She will serve as program chair for one more year, so questions and comments about panels and sponsorship should be directed to her at clcarothers@alaska.edu.


At the meetings we also recognized outstanding work by two junior scholars for exemplary articles in environmental anthropology. The Junior Scholar Prize, given annually to an untenured faculty (or recent PhD), went to Shaylih Muehlman for her 2012 article “Rhizomes and Other Uncountables: The Malaise of Enumeration in Mexico’s Colorado River Delta,” inAmerican Ethnologist 39(2): 339-353. Muehlman is assistant professor of anthropology at the University of British Columbia. The Rappaport Student Prize is awarded to a graduate student for a paper selected for presentation in the Rappaport Student Panel. It went to Sarah Osterhoudt of the Yale School of Forestry & Environmental Studies for her “Clean Souls | Clear Fields: Environmental Imaginations and Christian Conversions In Northeastern Madagascar.”


The AES provides small grants for applied environmental projects. This year we funded Joshua Griffin’s project “Towards an Environmental History of Kivalina, Alaska: A Collaborative Ethnography of Place, in Support of Climate-Induced Relocation.”


The three review committees were chaired by (respectively) Jim Igoe, Katja Neves-Graca and Justin Nolan.


We also sponsored an off-site reception at a nearby restaurant. It was a success and will be sponsored again at the Chicago meetings, in a location to be announced at the section business meeting.


A&E has been responsible for two task forces. The Global Climate Change Task Force was proposed by A&E, appointed by the AAA president and is chaired by Shirley Fiske. The task force had an active year, especially in the area of public outreach. Their work was featured on the section website, and an update on their activities is available at www.aaanet.org/cmtes/commissions/CCTF/gcctf.cfm. The section also formed a task force to contribute to the greening of the annual meetings by incorporating sustainable food into catered events. This task force was chaired by Crystal Fortwangler and it produced a white paper authored by Andrew Flachs. The section will continue to work with the AAA administration during the coming year.


In the spring elections, we added two new board members: Derick Fay and Michael Dove. Details on the current board are available on the section website.


Please send A&E news and reports to Amelia Moore at a.moore4@miami.edu.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/01/24/message-from-the-anthropology-and-environment-society-president/

Wednesday 23 January 2013

'Invisible' Filipino history in Annapolis documented

Filipinos have been an invisible minority in Annapolis, Md., for more than a century. Now, researchers are using oral histories as a way to flesh out their life and times -- documenting the incredible challenges they faced -- and successes they celebrated.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/01/130123165107.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Retrovirus in the human genome is active in pluripotent stem cells

A retrovirus called HERV-H, which inserted itself into the human genome millions of years ago, may play an important role in pluripotent stem cells. The discovery, which may help explain how these cells maintain a state of pluripotency and are able to differentiate into many types of cells, could have profound implications for therapies that would use pluripotent stem cells to treat a range of human diseases.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/01/130123133930.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Previous unknown fossilized fox species found

Archeologists have discovered a two million year old fossil fox at the now renowned archaeological site of Malapa in the Cradle of Humankind World Heritage Site. The previously unknown species of fox has been named Vulpes Skinneri.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/01/130123115350.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

SHA Call for Submissions

2013 AAA Annual Meeting


The Society for Humanistic Anthropology welcomes paper and poster session proposals for consideration at this year’s AAA Annual Meeting in Chicago (November 20-24, 2013). The theme for the meeting is “Future Publics, Current Engagements,” which provides a rich context for exploring the innovative and exciting work conducted under the broad rubric of humanistic anthropology.


The 2013 SHA Programming Committee consists of Kristen Ghodsee (kghodsee@bowdoin.edu) and Jonathan S Marion (jsmarion@gmail.com)


Both Kristen and Jonathan are more than happy to work with you on your paper, poster, or roundtable sessions – please be in touch early, and as often as necessary, with us! We’re happy to assist session organizers with the structuring of their proposals. SHA encourages innovative formats, including poster sessions and fostering more dynamic discussion periods.


Proposals for paper, poster and roundtable sessions must all be submitted through the AAA website.


SHA Section Invited Session Proposals are due March 15, 2013 online


All Invited Session Proposals (paper, poster, or roundtable sessions) must include a session abstract of up to 500 words and information for all participants (including individual abstracts). Submission will be through the AAA website. We highly encourage anyone planning to submit an invited session proposal to contact Kristen ASAP, ideally by March 1. Decisions will be announced in early April.


SHA Sponsored Session Proposals are due April 15, 2013 online


All sponsored session proposals must be submitted online by April 15, 2013. This includes all paper and poster sessions, roundtable proposals, and individual paper/poster submissions. Submissions must include a 250-word abstract as well as individual abstracts for each participant (as necessary). Participants must abide by the AAA rules regarding roles, registration, and fees.


For full meeting details, go to the AAA Annual Meeting main page. Be sure to also visit the SHA website.


Kristen Ghodsee is AN’s contributing editor for the Society for Humanistic Anthropology.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/01/23/sha-call-for-submissions/

Tuesday 22 January 2013

Sex of early birds suggests dinosaur reproductive style: Paleontologists discovers way to identify gender of ancient avian species

Paleontologists have discovered a way to determine the sex of an avian dinosaur species.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/01/130122111654.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Monday 21 January 2013

War was central to Europe's first civilization, contrary to popular belief

Researchers have discovered that the ancient civilization of Crete, known as Minoan, had strong martial traditions, contradicting the commonly held view of Minoans as a peace-loving people.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/01/130115101520.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

A relative from the Tianyuan Cave

Ancient DNA has revealed that humans living some 40,000 years ago in the area near Beijing were likely related to many present-day Asians and Native Americans.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/01/130121161802.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Sunday 20 January 2013

Earliest sea cow ancestors originated in Africa, lived in fresh water

A new fossil discovered in Tunisia represents the oldest known ancestor of modern-day sea cows, supporting the African origins of these marine mammals.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/01/130116195331.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

New study sheds light on the origin of the European Jewish population

Despite being one of the most genetically analyzed groups, the origin of European Jews has remained obscure. However, a new study argues that the European Jewish genome is a mosaic of Caucasus, European, and Semitic ancestries, setting to rest previous contradictory reports of Jewish ancestry. This could have a major impact on the ways in which scientists study genetic disorders within the population.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/01/130116195333.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Friday 18 January 2013

Genetic admixture in southern Africa

Researchers have investigated the maternally inherited mitochondrial DNA of 500 individuals from southern Africa speaking different Khoisan and Bantu languages. Their results demonstrate that Khoisan foragers were genetically more diverse than previously known. Divergent mtDNA lineages from indigenous Khoisan groups were incorporated into the genepool of the immigrating Bantu-speaking agriculturalists through admixture, and have thus survived until the present day, although the Khoisan-speaking source populations themselves have become extinct.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/01/130117133008.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Tuesday 15 January 2013

Less Than Disinterested Observers

The more any quantitative social indicator is used for social decision-making, the more subject it will be to corruption pressures and the more apt it will be to distort and corrupt the social processes it is intended to monitor


Campbell’s Law, 1988, p 360


We must educate people on what nobody knew yesterday and prepare people in our schools for what


no one knows yet, but what some people must know tomorrow.


—Margaret Mead


Noticing and Challenging the Magic Counting Dragon


We do not write as disinterested observers of the Magic Counting Dragon described in our first essay. We are colleagues (husband and wife), one of us an anthropologist, both of us sharing an interest in the development of the college competencies described in Part One. We share an office, often mentor students together regardless of the courses in which a student may be enrolled, and we team-teach. In our experience, which we will likely be unable to document until after retirement, the current preoccupation with counting short term, easy to measure attainable goals is a barrier to learning about and understanding the goal of developing critical collegiate competencies for the 21st century. Teaching in a small rural community college, our experience concurs with research associated with programs in strained institutional settings; what appears to be a less than successful undertaking when assessed in the short term is something altogether different when assessed with different metrics in the long run.


High Demand x High Support Pedagogy: More Challenge and More Support


During the past almost thirty years we have incrementally built a High Demand x High Support (HD x HS) teaching pedagogy designed to challenge more than accommodate common limitations of entering college students. Although we do not know if our interpretation of HD x HS is exactly what educator Nevitt Sanford (Where Colleges Fail: A Study of the Student as a Person, 1967) had in mind when he described HD x HS in the 1960s, we believe that the pedagogy bears sufficient resemblance to bear the name. The pedagogy represents the foundational anatomy in all the 20+ courses that we teach spanning the biological, physical, social/behavioral sciences. Importantly, as there are alternatives at our college to courses taught in the HD x HS format, student enrollment and retention in these courses reflects choice and decision-making


As the label implies, the demands of HD x HS courses are considerable when compared with the expectations and experiences of most students. However, as the label also implies, support in the interest of authentic student success are also diverse and generous. Feedback from students who have completed these courses and moved on from our institution routinely endorses the support as the most supportive or among the most supportive of environments they have ever experienced, in fact many continue to draw upon the HD x HS environment after leaving


HD x HS and Misleading Measures


Our experiences with HD x HS courses strongly suggest that measuring short term, easy to measure, attainable goals is misleading. When viewed from the perspective of the currently in place counting model the HD x HS approach is a failure; enrollments are often low and drop rates are invariably high. However, when assessments of HD x HS courses are counted in other ways the picture is more complex. Regardless of whether they perform well from the start (a small but consistent minority of individuals who have often not been traditionally successful) or initially experience bouts of course avoidance, dropping, inconsistent performance, and failure (the most common model) those students who persist in two or more HD x HS courses often move on from our institution to beat the odds on multiple fronts. These students chart pathways that would not be expected from backgrounds marked by rural conditions, starting college at a small rural community college, and often a variety of social challenges as well. In fact, these individuals are poster children for why short term assessments of student performance in community colleges should not be cast-in-stone indicators of student ability and/or motivation. And, conversely, they also demonstrate why course expectations should not be dumbed down in order to manufacture short term success.


What we have learned about individuals who avoid, drop and/or fail HD x HS courses is also instructive. Virtually all are, at the time, socially and/or developmentally strained. Affordable housing, transportation, work, and caregiving demands are among the common social strains in our small rural community. Common symptoms (eg, poor impulse control, authoritarianism) that some may associate with Arrested Adulthood (Côté, 2000) and others may associate with mental illness (Morrow, Mental Health of College Students, 2008) also mark this population. Many of these individuals self-report earning better than average, if not exceptionally high, grades elsewhere.


Another way in which the currently in place counting model misleads is via assumptions about professional commitment and effort. Small enrollments and high drop rates are assumed to reflect low levels of professional investment, even professional incompetence and/or lassitude. Once again, the truth of the matter is more complex; if HD x HS classes attracted more persisting students we would be hard pressed to know how we would meet their demands. If otherwise ignored indicators were counted and presumed to matter, the professional involvement and/or commitment picture would look quite different. For example, otherwise hidden and presumed not to matter in the existing assessment culture are such indicators as time with students outside the classroom (we each hold at least 30 office hours per week and those hours are invariably filled with one or more students), time spent with students after transfer, and substantial personal funding in the absence of institutional support.


The Harm of Misleading Indicators


Those most harmed by the short term, easy to measure, attainable rather than desirable goal approach to assessment are those individuals more willing and able to commit and engage as well as those on the cusp of doing so. Contrary to the assumptions of some, this is not an elitist perspective. Both groups can represent a wide range of demographic backgrounds. Also contrary to some assumptions, these groups are not fixed and concrete. Individuals can and do change, the more willing and able includes those who at earlier times were less willing and less able, often demonstrably so! Sometimes such change emerges from improved life conditions (eg, work, family, transportation, health), from what appears to be internally driven reassessments of life commitments (eg, “when I was in your class right after high school I was mostly there because my friends were there.”) and sometimes from the HD x HS experience itself. Some of the most amazing stories in the long run would have been difficult if not impossible to predict from short run performance assessments.


Others harmed by the short-term approach are the institutions themselves. Populations that consistently show up (that includes those who have avoided, dropped and/or failed previously) in the HD x HS courses provide a glimpse of ways in which community colleges (perhaps parts of higher education in general) might redesign a vision of themselves in the 21st century. As many if not most students on our campus go out of their way to avoid HD x HS courses, those who do otherwise might shed light on new direction possibilities.


There are also costs to society in the current magic counting system. Talent development not only takes time, it is not always a smooth unfettered journey. A preoccupation with short-term, quick and uncomplicated fixes represents a failure to invest in long term talent development, what might be called The Long Now, thinking in the future tense. Furthermore, as Marc Freedman, author of The Big Shift: Navigating the New Stage beyond Midlife (2011) reminds us, the readiness to embark on the development of talent is not as tied as it once was to the younger periods in the life course. Given the nature of current novel conditions, decisions about success and failure based on short term, easy to measure attainable goals have limited traction for individuals, institutions and society.


HD x HS and Damned Strange Coincidences


A final point about the HD x HS teaching pedagogy and its association with otherwise unexpected success stories. While the correlation between unusually successful outcomes and persistence in HD x HS courses does not constitute ‘causality’ in the technical sense, the association does represent what Paul Meehl (American Psychologist 50 [266-275]) and Wesley Salmon (Scientific Explanation and the Causal Structure of the World, 1984) would describe as “damn strange coincidences,” or alternatively what Bent Flyvbjerg (Making Social Science Matter: Why Social Inquiry Fails and How It Can Succeed Again, 2001) describes as “critical cases;” instances that may have strategic importance to a general problem. In other words, while HD x HS may not represent cause in the technical sense, it is likely of “strategic importance” to the general problem of learning about desirable outcomes from otherwise strained institutional settings and populations (eg, in our situation, a small rural community college). This observation is particularly likely as the unusual successes associated with HD x HS do not represent isolated instances but rather a small but nonetheless steady stream of similar successes over a period of now almost fifteen years. While the HD x HS approach may not be a sufficient condition for launching unexpected successes, it may very well represent a necessary condition for understanding them. Standing in the way, of course, is the magic counting dragon.


We did not develop the HD x HS approach with a deliberate oppositional goal in mind. Rather, it was developed in order to provide individuals with both the burden and the privilege of addressing widely recognized limitations to success, in education and elsewhere. Over time we found ourselves in the midst of the tensions between what is counted as institutional success and what we were learning from the HD x HS approach. Our third and final piece offers suggestions about what anthropology can and should do in order to contribute to an understanding of this dilemma.


Paula K Clarke (clarkep@yosemite.edu ) received the AAA/Oxford University Press Award for Excellence in Undergraduate Teaching of Anthropology in 2008. W Ted Hamilton (hamiltont@yosemite.edu ) was named Professor of the Year by the Council for Advancement and Support of Education and the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching in 2004.


This is the second of the three-part essay “The Value of Anthropology” by Paula K Clarke and W Ted Hamilton. To read the next installment, “What Anthropology Can and Should Do: Notice and Witness Magic Counting” visit the Academic Affairs section of anthropology-news.org in late January. AAA members are invited to post comments to continue Clarke and Hamilton’s discussion online, and anyone can rate, share, or just read the series through April.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/01/15/less-than-disinterested-observers/

Holly Norton

DSCN3246

Holly Norton



Holly Norton is contributing editor for General Anthropology Division (GAD). A historical archaeologist, she recently completed her dissertation “Estate by Estate: The Landscape of the 1733 St. Jan Revolt” at Syracuse University. Holly’s research foci include collective violence, the African diaspora, and European expansion. She currently works at SWCA, Inc as a cultural resource specialist.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/01/15/holly-norton/

Monday 14 January 2013

Gene flow from India to Australia about 4,000 years ago

Australia is thought to have remained largely isolated between its initial colonization around 40,000 years ago and the arrival of Europeans in the late 1800s. A new study has found evidence of substantial gene flow between Indian populations and Australia about 4,000 years ago.



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The Crisis in Higher Ed., pt. 2

It has been more than ten years since the publication of Murray Sperber’s scathing critique of college sports, Beer and Circus, in which he makes a series of observations about the state of big-time college athletics and its corrosive and corrupting effect on host institutions. Indeed, “host” is appropriate, as the big-money sports are parasitic on universities, making use of their “brand” and built-in base of alumni and supporters, and the captive audience of students who pay for sports whether they wish to or not. Football and basketball coaches are routinely paid more than a million dollars per year—more even than over-compensated presidents. Even when tainted with scandal, as was Jim Tressel, the Ohio State football coach, coaches wield extraordinary power, as reflected in President E. Gordon Gee’s answer, when asked if he would fire Tressel, that he hoped Tressel didn’t fire him. Of course, Tressel was fired in 2011, with Ohio State forfeiting past victories and being placed on probation. That a veteran president such as Gee, head of one of the nation’s largest research universities, would be intimidated by a coach demonstrates the degree to which once peripheral aspects of the university have taken center court.


The firing of coaches is no simple matter. Recently the Auburn football coach, who won the national championship in 2010, was dismissed with several years left on his contract. He walked away with over $3,000.000. Remember, this is a public institution that derives most of its budget from state taxpayers. Are there really no needs in the needy state of Alabama greater than the need to fire a coach who has not won a championship for two years? At the University of Tennessee, two football coaches have been fired in the past three years, with a total cost of $9,000,000. Similar situations have arisen at other public universities across the country.


Although the money available to top programs in basketball and especially football is great, thanks to television contracts and sales of merchandise and tickets, as Sperber shows it is largely a myth that this money benefits the institution. Certainly, none of it goes to academic departments, with the unique exception of Penn State coach Joe Paterno’s personal support of Classics at his university. The few institutions that can afford to make transfer payments to their universities do so into the general fund, which is spent at the discretion of administrators. No doubt some good comes from this money, but this fact can never make up for its corrupting influence. Ironically (or perhaps not), the transfer to academics was the first thing to go in the wake of the Auburn firing.


Conference realignment, much in the news lately, is similarly driven by finances. The University of Maryland, a charter member of the Atlantic Coast Conference, recently left to join the Big Ten, even though that means much longer travel for student-athletes (most of whom play in non-revenue sports such as volleyball or lacrosse) and the abandoning of traditional rivalries. Even more absurd, the Big East has recruited schools such as Boise State University. Geographic and historical considerations, as well as any concern for students’ welfare, have been thrown under the bus (which no longer will be the main mode of travel to sporting venues).


What about the NCAA? Isn’t it supposed to regulate universities and conferences? In theory it is, but in reality it functions as a cartel seeking to maximize profit and minimize cost, while giving the sordid business a patina of respectability. Its first priority is to prevent reasonable compensation of athletes. All, of course, in the name of the cult of amateurism. As Joe Nocera of the New York Times has documented, this mainly takes the form of patently racist and classist persecution of African-American athletes, who can be easily accused of misdeeds and not provided an opportunity to defend themselves. In particular, those who cannot afford to travel to a campus (which middle class folks think a virtual right) and rely on family friends to pay their way can come under scrutiny if those family friends are judged not to be such. (In one egregious case documented by Nocera. a basketball player at UCLA has been suspended because of such a trip to the campuses of UNC and Duke, although the person paying for the trip had known his father for more than ten years—presumably before it was obvious that the boy would become a college prospect).


This scenario is reminiscent of the situation with adjuncts. In both cases the exploitation of an entire class of people supports a big-money environment that invites corruption. Just like adjuncts, who suffer not only from poverty but health problems resulting from stress and overwork, student-athletes, who must often spend thirty hours per week practicing, training, playing, and of course traveling, suffer. As they are often admitted without concern for their academic qualifications, this is especially troubling. They are clearly tempted by promises of future success in the pros—usually empty promises. Indeed, the basketball program at the University of Kentucky—another reputable research university—is predicated on “one and done”—the idea that the “student-athletes” will stay only one year. Add to this the real risk of injury, especially in football, and we see that the prospects of the student-athlete, especially if minority and poor, is bleak indeed.


Injuries, and the likelihood of a class-action suit by concussion victims, is one of the likeliest drivers of change in college athletics. However, institutions should not wait to be catastrophically sued to reform. As I urged in my previous column, Secretary of Education Arne Duncan has a unique opportunity during Obama’s second term to avert these crises in higher education. At the very least, coaches’ salaries should be regulated and student-athletes should be paid a stipend. Revenue sports should be allowed to form professional teams loosely affiliated with universities (sharing facilities and branded merchandise). In the end, the stakes are too high not to undertake radical reform.


Michael E Harkin is a cultural anthropologist and ethnohistorian at the University of Wyoming. He is editor of the journal Reviews in Anthropology and co-editor of Ethnohistory.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/01/14/the-crisis-in-higher-ed-pt-2/

Sunday 13 January 2013

What did our ancestors look like? Hair and eye color can be determined for ancient human remains

A new method of establishing hair and eye color from modern forensic samples can also be used to identify details from ancient human remains, finds a new study. The HIrisPlex DNA analysis system was able to reconstruct hair and eye color from teeth up to 800 years old, including the Polish General Wladyslaw Sikorski (1881 to 1943) confirming his blue eyes and blond hair.



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Friday 11 January 2013

Infrastructural Violence and the Belizean Health System

The hospital in Punta Gorda Town, Belize. Photo by douglas reeser.

The hospital in Punta Gorda Town, Belize. Photo by douglas reeser.



Life in the southern Toledo District of Belize is full of contradictions. It has a tropical climate, and the beautiful geography of the Maya Mountains and the Caribbean Sea makes it an aesthetically pleasant place to live. There is a rich ethnic diversity in the district, and after a short time there, it often feels like everyone knows everyone else. This small-town rural feel and its distance from the more populous parts of the country have also served to insulate the district from most of the violence that has plagued larger cities in the north of the country.


Along with its rural location and low population density, however, the Toledo District has a fair amount of problems. Poverty rates in the district have historically hovered around 70%-75%, unemployment is usually over 20%, and jobs are always scarce. Additionally, there is a sense articulated by many of my research participants that the district is neglected in many ways by the State. Indeed, my research of the health system has revealed this perception to be a fair characterization.


The State has a National Health Insurance (NHI) program under which citizens typically make a small co-payment for most health services provided through the state-run clinics and hospitals. In the Toledo District, the co-pay has been waived, so that health services can be obtained for free. Despite this kind gesture from the State, there remain limitations to the services people have access to. In the understaffed clinics and hospital, there are only general practitioners available, and more serious health issues and emergencies require patients be transferred to a larger regional hospital that is about 3 hours away by vehicle.


For the most serious emergencies, there is a helicopter available to fly patients north; however, it first has to fly down to pick patients up, and is not always available. There is also an ambulance service at the hospital, although it is not always functioning. During my time in town, there have been two ambulances at the hospital, but only one that is ever running. The running ambulance – an older, used model from the U.S. – is constantly broken down and under repair. Often, the hospital must resort to renting a passenger van from a local bus company to handle emergency transports. Some patients are even sent north by bus.


This situation has presented quite a problem to the hospital administration. Due to a lack of supplies, equipment, and doctors, the transfer of patients is quite common, and it is not unusual for three or more transfers to occur in one day. In turn, the small crew of ambulance drivers is under a good deal of pressure and stress. They must drive old vehicles on a mostly un-lit, two-lane road dotted with small villages where the road is often crowded with adults and children. These pressures, in part due to the nature of the work, and in part due to the systemic reality of a health system under pressure, have resulted in the death of two ambulance drivers in the less than two years.


The most recent driver death occurred away from the workplace. While having a drink at a local bar, the driver met and began talking with a police officer from outside of the district. Reports say that the officer began beating the man in the bar, dragged him outside, and continued to beat him before throwing the man in the back of his pick-up truck and driving off. The driver was later found in a drainage ditch and was rushed to the hospital. Lacking the needed equipment and facilities, he was sent by air-ambulance to a second hospital in the north, where he passed away later that night.


The second driver death occurred just before I arrived in town, and was the topic of many conversations in my early days in the field. On his way to the larger regional hospital to the north, with a nurse and expectant mother as passengers in the back of the ambulance, the driver lost control of the vehicle and it flipped over into a river. The driver and nurse both passed, but miraculously, the mother survived and later gave birth. While an official version of the story was not released publicly, I was told by people very close to the event that the driver had asked to be sent home before this fateful trip. He was reporting a severe headache and needed his blood pressure medication. With an emergency on hand and no other drivers available, he was sent anyway. The expectant mother reportedly told my contacts that the driver had suddenly become unresponsive just before the ambulance went off the road. They suspect he had a heart attack.


These stories illustrate the violence of a system that is ill-equipped to carry out what it is charged to do. In a sense, they are a form of what Rodgers and O’Neill have recently defined as infrastructural violence (2012, Infrastructural violence: Introduction to the special issue). As an arm of the State, the public health system is a part of the nation’s infrastructure. Understaffed and without the proper equipment to deal with emergencies, and relatively isolated from the rest of the country, the health infrastructure in the Toledo District functions such that it produces intense social suffering.


The social suffering produced by the health infrastructure has been quite extreme, not only among those living in the community, but also among those that make up the infrastructure itself – the workers. The health infrastructure is such that people in the community are afraid to get sick or afraid to find themselves in a health emergency. Such sentiments imply that the health infrastructure is broken, yet the question arises whether infrastructure can be mended. While infrastructure by its nature can appear to be fixed, it is actually changeable, and can also be seen as a foundation upon which to build. By identifying and addressing the weaknesses of the health infrastructure, small changes and additions can allow for much social suffering to be alleviated.


douglas carl reeser is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Anthropology at the University of South Florida, and is a contributing editor at Recycled Minds. He is currently working on his dissertation based on research in southern Belize, examining the intersection of State-provided health care with a number of ethnic-based traditional medicines. He also loves food and running like the wind.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/01/11/infrastructural-violence-and-the-belizean-health-system/

Thursday 10 January 2013

Imagining and Actualizing an Anthropology of Non-Capitalist Possibilities

As members of a plenary round table for the Alternative and Non-Capitalist Political Ecologies track of the 2012 SFAA meetings, we were asked to draw from our own experience and scholarship to provide some conceptual framing for an event dedicated to actualizing alternatives to capitalist political ecologies. We both emphasized that anthropology and anthropologists are involved in making new worlds and therefore need to ask what kinds of worlds we want to make and how might we go about making them? Fortunately we are not starting from scratch. We can draw from a deep tradition of cultural critique in our own discipline, as well as marginalized epistemologies of people around the world. We are also positioned to highlight overlooked practices and material realities of non-capitalism in a diversity of interconnected scales and locales.


The political work of anthropologists, to borrow a concept from JK Gibson-Graham, can begin to fracture an imagined capitalist hegemony that pervades our lives and illuminate a diverse array of already existing non-capitalist economic practices, as a basis for alternative thought and action. We have identified two key areas for this work, corresponding to our respective talks at the SFAA meetings. The first area (from West’s talk) concerns the intellectual contribution, and pragmatic transformative potential of engaged and collaborative ethnographic research. Closely related to this is the practice of building knowledge from a broader range of epistemologies and scholarship. The second area (from Igoe’s talk) concerns the actions we can take as anthropologists to embody non-capitalist values. This entails paying close attention to the way we ourselves have been conditioned by capitalist culture, and building relationships based on cooperation and trust, rather than more familiar ones based on individualized competition and mistrust.


Effective theoretical engagements with capitalist culture and the possibility of non-capitalist alternatives are already grounded in practical realities, and thus eschew putative dichotomies such as theory-practice, insider-outsider, and expert-non-expert, and the like. In Methodology of the Oppressed, Chela Sandoval proposes a convergence of experience between a group of activists she calls US Third World Feminists and western theorists such as Derrida and Foucault. Both groups, she argued, were grappling with the paradoxical uncertainty of decentralized power and authority in post-industrial capitalist societies. Both were also pointing to the need of cultivating multiple (indeed apparently contradictory) perspectives, while staying grounded in “an ethic of democracy.” Italian activist Antonio Gramsci dedicated his life to theorizing the role of strategically situated intellectuals in transforming an authoritarian culture under which he was imprisoned. It is notable that Indian philosopher Gayatri Spivak has taken up many of Gramsci’s ideas, including in her practical work to extend quality primary education to marginalized areas of India, in the process “promoting rituals of democratic practice” (“The Education of Gayatri,” Chronicle of Higher Education). In Decolonizing Methodology Māori scholar Linda Tuhiwai Smith argues that indigenous peoples have had a fraught relationship with both western social theory and capitalism. However, she does not advocate atheoretical research or writing. Rather, she sees the reading of and understanding of Euro-American social theory as a crucial part of decolonizing research methods and writing but not the end point. For Smith, the development of theory both by indigenous scholars and by all scholars based on indigenous epistemologies and ontologies is the only path for a truly decolonized anthropology and for a just social world. She advocates the interweaving of multiple theoretical traditions in ways that do justice to the complexity of people’s global lives and as a basis for political practice.


Of course anthropology in the US is rooted in a tradition of this kind of engaged scholarship. Franz Boas and Margaret Mead were both insider-outsiders who used their position and anthropological ideas to raise public awareness about race and gender. Jim Igoe noted the influence of these scholars on the work of Esther Newton, and her dedication to a collaborative anthropology that is critical even of itself. Newton has challenged the boundaries of our discipline by becoming an intellectual interlocutor for an LGBT subculture, honestly reflecting her own relationships to that subculture, and allowing members of that subculture to speak for themselves through her lucidly-written ethnography. As a founding member of the Ruth Benedict Collective, she pragmatically challenged the hierarchical culture of mainstream academic anthropology, while invoking its feminist roots and helping to build positive and lasting institutional alternatives.


Paige West stressed the importance of going further, to make the kinds of theories we use accessible and useful to the people with whom we work in the field. She described her collaborative efforts to present the theoretical ideas of Rosa Luxemburg, Henri Lefebvre, Anna Tsing and Tania Li in ways that make them accessible, relevant, and amenable to revision by community activists with whom she works in New Ireland, Papua New Guinea. West has also shown that such education works both ways. People around the world have their own theories and critiques of capitalism, often empirically grounded, of which anthropologists have barely scratched the surface.


These examples provide us a great deal to emulate in building a world of non-capitalist alternatives. In particular they highlight the central importance of education, of better understanding the world in order to build positive alternatives. We do this everyday in the classroom, public engagement, and our conversations with one another. Much work still remains to be done, particularly in bringing together anthropologists and people from the communities where they work to collaborate on non-capitalist alternatives.


It is important not to romanticize these efforts or see them as some sort of panacea. They do, however, point to some exciting possibilities. The AAA Race Project, for instance, is a poignant example of what could be done to educate ourselves and others about the culture of capitalism and non-capitalist alternatives. This project uses interactive multi-media displays to denaturalize and destabilize the concept of race as part of a political project to advance equity and justice. This is a project that is obviously rooted in the Boasian tradition and the institutional formation of our discipline in North America. The Race Project offers a fantastic starting point for thinking about a similar project on capitalism and non-capitalist alternatives. Such a project could use similar techniques to demystify capitalist culture, fracturing capitalist hegemony to shed light on actually existing non-capitalist possibilities. It could also be built on meaningful collaborations that highlight non-capitalist epistemologies and practices from communities around the world. Like the Race Project, it would also draw from strong intellectual traditions in our discipline.


The Alternative and Non-Capitalist Political Ecologies track of the 2012 meeting of the Society for Applied Anthropology can be seen as a small, but wonderfully tangible, step in this direction. It opened space at an existing event to not only teach and learn about non-capitalist alternatives, but also to practice interacting with one another in ways that were collaborative rather than competitive, equitable rather than hierarchical, and continuous rather than based on a series of discontinuous sound bytes. In the process we practiced pooling resources, building relationships of mutual trust, and thinking collectively about carrying forward the momentum we helped build together (this special series of Anthropology News is in fact an outcome of that discussion). This initiative, and others like it, provide spaces in which we can learn to be more horizontal, collaborative, and work outside market forces in imagining and actualizing an anthropology of non-capitalist possibilities.


James J Igoe is assistant professor in the department of anthropology at Dartmouth College. His interests are in political ecology, environmental justice, and conservation, as well as in globalization and indigenous people.


Paige West is associate professor of anthropology at Barnard College and Columbia University. She researches the relationship between society and the environment.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/01/10/imagining-and-actualizing-an-anthropology-of-non-capitalist-possibilities/

The Gift, Anarchism and Solidarity

Anthropological Reflections on Anarchism’s Political Economy


In Diverse Economies: Performative Practice for ‘Other Worlds,’ Gibson-Graham (2008) advocate a project of ontological performativity—the development and use of a discourse of economic diversity as a practical intervention in social reality. Key to this project is a rejection of “capitalocentrism,” seeing capitalism as an economic totality, as the economy. This move posits non-capitalism, diverse economies in the here and now, rather than a more familiar focus on anti-capitalism, resistance now for a post-capitalist future. Through this ontological move, theory becomes a tool of political-ethical intervention.


While anarchist political economy certainly fits within Gibson-Graham’s focus on diverse already-existing alternatives, anarchists see no necessary contradiction between anti- and non-capitalist positions. To appropriate an insight from Massimo De Angelis’ (2007) The Beginning of History, anarchists recognize the totalizing drive of capitalism without conceding to a capitalist totality. They believe that the drive of capital is to replicate its social relations throughout the social field and that this totalizing drive demands anti-capitalist struggle. When the free bonds of solidarity are threatened by the imposition of alienating capitalist relations, many anarchists will tell you that “solidarity means attack!”At the same time, however, solidarity means construction. Anarchists attempt to organize and build upon the non-capitalism that already exists within the social field.


Anarchism is a form of political economy organized around both non-hierarchical and anti-capitalist principles. Although anarchists are best known for dramatic protest actions, they spend most of their energy on mutual projects aimed at constructing radically alternative frameworks for daily life. At the center of these are mutual aid and solidarity. Mutual aid is an unambiguous expression of the ethic of reciprocity. Solidarity, the counterpoint of alienation, is an experience and a collective process constructed through a complex dynamic of collectivity and autonomy. Both mutual aid and solidarity are rooted in the practice of the gift. As such, I argue that anarchism can be understood as a contemporary political expression of the logic of the gift. Almost anything can be a gift: objects, words or services. Quite simply, the gift is concerned with certain practical dispositions toward interaction based on the value people place on building and sustaining relationships.


Instituting the Gift: Networks, Infoshops and Really Really Free Markets


The practice of the gift constitutes decentralized networks, which are also the best way to demonstrate the complex and overlapping relations of alliance and rivalry existing within the milieu of anarchist communities of struggle. In practice the relationships within such networks often coalesce, dissolve, and reconfigure around concrete projects of radical giving. A great deal of anarchist activism is concerned with innovating ways to give that foster anti-authoritarian social relationships and challenge the political and economic power of capital and the state. Such projects are about the mutual construction of alternative frameworks for daily life. Examples of such projects include Really Really Free Markets and Infoshops.


As the members of Crimthinc: the Ex-workers Collective explain in the journal Rolling Thunder (2007), “a ‘Really Really Free Market’ is a market that operates according to gift economics, in which nothing is for sale and the only rule is share and share alike” (34). The idea is to create decentralized institutions within communities where people can not only share resources but can, more importantly, build lasting solidary relationships that overcome the alienation on which the regular market is based.


Infoshops are collectively managed spaces committed to the distribution of alternative and politically radical knowledge and information. Infoshops come in all shapes and sizes. The physical structure of the space is less important than the collective process that organizes it. Anarchist Infoshops generally operate based on direct democracy and worker control. Often decisions are made through a process of consensus, which can range from highly formal forms to highly informal ones. Interestingly, the dynamics of consensus decision-making follow the classic cyclic pattern of the gift identified by Marcel Mauss (1990 [1925]) in The Gift: give, receive and return. In the process everyone must give, and give up, something of their position to everyone else and all must be prepared to receive what others are giving. The process iterates and finally consensus is a return to everyone by everyone.


Anarchism: Order, Not Chaos


It is likely that some readers find it ironic that “anarchists” would cooperate in any kind of endeavor. Anarchism is a broad term and generalizations must always be cautious but there are some basics principles on which most anarchists agree. Anarchists are widely misrepresented as violent anti-social hooligans bent on an extreme individualist ethos, a caricature of the historical and contemporary reality of anarchist practice. Anarchism is not about chaos; it is about order, a social order with as little hierarchy as possible. Anarchists reject the organizational principles of the state and capitalism. They reject utopianism in favor of directly modeling the core relations of the society they desire. “Building the new society in the shell of the old,” as the classic slogan has it. Today this form of practice is called “prefigurative politics,” and its basis is consensus process. Anarchism’s historical commitment to direct democracy has spread far beyond groups that might call themselves anarchist. The General Assemblies of Occupy Wall Street and the Democracy of the Squares that swept through North America, Europe, and the Middle East during the global uprising of 2011 are salient examples of anarchist practice. Here the term horizontalism might be a more inclusive term to distinguish between groups that use anarchist organizational methods but may not call themselves by the name.


The Gift: A Choice between Solidarity and Alienation


To fully understand the importance of the gift, we have to understand how anarchists conceptualize the contrast between solidarity and alienation. Alienation is the experience of a social process: a form of social production that denies its own sociality. In Change the World without Taking Power, John Holloway (2010) explains that alienation “is labour for others which exists in the form of labour for one’s self. The sociality of doing is ruptured and with it the process of mutual recognition and social validation” (46). The experience and process of alienation is simultaneously subjective and objective—intersubjective.


In contrast, the experience and process of solidarity is constituted through the practice of the gift. Here it should be kept in mind that the gift is mercurial and capable of producing hierarchy as well as egalitarian community. Though in this essay I focus primarily on its egalitarian possibility, I do not deny its hierarchical potential. The value of the gift is the social bonds it helps create; the gift creates alliances. In their excellent book, The World of the Gift, Godbout and Caillé (2000) write, “[w]hereas the gift puts in place and supports a free social bond, the market frees us by pulling us out of the social bond; in other words, its freedom consists in freeing us from the social bond itself” (191). Collective solidarity is based on the free social bond, the choice to join with others in common projects. Within the anarchist movement these common projects might be most visible as protest actions. Black Bloc tactics (militant direct actions) grab headlines but much of the action of anarchism can be found in the thousand small solidary gestures of daily life, the weaving of community based on the free social bond of the gift.


Patrick Huff is a doctoral candidate in the department of anthropology at the University of Georgia, Athens. His interests include political economy, practice theory, radical social movements, value theory, autonomous politics, and radical feminism.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/01/10/the-gift-anarchism-and-solidarity/

Teaching for Hope?

Vincent Lyon-Callo

Vincent Lyon-Callo



This is a fascinating moment to teach anthropology in the United States, especially for those of us who remain concerned with such things as producing more equality, communalism, democracy, and freedom. Even as some socioeconomic trends make anthropological insights potentially more relevant than ever, anthropology itself remains little understood and has been under increasing attacks. From statehouses to popular publications, anthropology is being represented as, at best, irrelevant and, at worst, the poorest choice a student can make for their future well-being. (As I was editing this paper, I received a Yahoo! news story titled “Don’t Bother Earning These Five Degrees.” It cautioned students against the low average incomes of anthropology majors.) Concurrently, students today tend to be quite different subjects than even fifteen years ago when I first started teaching. In an increasingly corporatized university where the driving purpose of education is largely understood as credentializing for future employment, and in a nation where K-12 public education has been under intense attack such that students are largely taught how to spit back information for standardized tests, is it any wonder when many students, parents, and administrators fail to see a value in anthropological education? Given the confluence of such conditions, I believe the time is ripe for us to move beyond bemoaning these conditions and ask “what is to be done?” Can we begin to consider new pedagogical practices that make anthropology not only relevant, but essential, for our students and our world?


I imagine I am not alone in how I have structured my teaching of general education classes. Like many of us, I focused much of my teaching on skills to critically problematize common sense about things like race, class, gender, sexuality, family structures, migration and trade policies. One particularly popular tool was to introduce critical thinking through discussing a YouTube clip of George Carlin talking about education in the US. Carlin’s line about why it’s called the American Dream (“because you have to be asleep to believe it”) served as an entry point for a semester of critical interrogation of so many taken-as-normal assumptions. Then, I would take the critical analysis a step further by drawing upon anthropological work such as my exploration of homeless shelters or Dan Jaffe and Paige West’s excellent books on fair trade coffee to analyze how even these most well-intended efforts remain quite problematic. In this way, I have become quite adept at teaching classes that result in students who are critical of everything. Increasingly, though, I have begun to question if these pedagogical “successes” are reinforcing problematic tendencies.


One concern I have is that teaching critical thinking may be predicated on particularly arrogant liberal assumptions. Foremost among these is the notion that the goal of education is to enlighten students to the secret knowledge that we experts have access to because we are smart enough to not be taken in by all of the conditions designed to hide that knowledge and understanding. We believe that our teaching, by drawing on cross-cultural, historical, and critical analysis, will lay bare students’ false common sense so they can wake up to new possibilities. The whole premise that somehow we are enlightening students through critical analysis seems to no longer be quite the case. Many young people are very different social subjects than those entering college just a few decades ago. At least in Michigan, it’s easy for most students to see how race is made up and most know that the American Dream is a myth. Class exploitation is something most of them are all too familiar with.


But even if we aren’t troubled by the ethics or the accuracy of these elitist presumptions, our pedagogy faces a second challenge: so what? What are students supposed to do with their new understandings? Students who actually engage with my classes leave questioning everything, but they have little sense of what to do with their new critical thinking skills beyond being depressed. And when they read things like Paige West or Dan Jaffee’s work which make it hard for them to even feel good about fair-trade, the pessimism resonates there as well. To some degree, I have come to appreciate the perspective of those students who wonder why they are being forced to take the classes.


My worst fear is that anthropology itself has become the latest incarnation of a dismal discipline; producing experts in pessimism. I fear that my best teaching (and much anthropological teaching) produces people whose main skills are limited to criticizing and finding what is wrong with everything, and that I thereby reaffirm pessimistic views about the world. James Ferguson, in his paper “The Uses of Neoliberalism,” describes this as “the antis.” Unless there is some sort of utopia, it’s easy to critically analyze why x practice or y policy is problematic and should be resisted. That is all fun for a while, but eventually it gets tiresome.


Where I was growing up, many young people had a sense that their economic future was fairly economically secure. If you were middle class, you understood it as a truism that you could continue along the privileged path of stable employment without much effort. That is no longer the case. When I ask my students what they foresee in their future, I almost never hear any optimism.


For several years now I have done an assignment in my introductory level classes that builds off of Thomas Franks’ work in What’s the Matter with Kansas where students are asked to initiate and analyze a series of discussions with friends and family regarding what is wrong with Michigan’s economy, what should be done about it, and how those people are responding themselves. Close to three hundreds students have now interviewed over a thousand residents of the state and what has become apparent is an overwhelming sense of pessimism and hopelessness about the future. Most students and their families seem to “know” it to be foolish to have faith in government, unions, employers, or education to make any substantial changes to the conditions ending middle class life in the US. The fantasy of the American Dream has been replaced with a fantasy of the loss of the middle class as inevitable.


Focusing on structural violence and teaching students to look critically may only be reinforcing such pessimism and helping to strengthen the durability of capitalism. One alternative model of engaged teaching might be to follow the lead of geographers such as JK Gibson Graham and Stephen Healy, who suggest that we disrupt narratives of capitalist exploitation and declining democracy as all-encompassing and that we work instead toward producing a politics of possibilities. How do they suggest we do that? They advocate moving beyond denunciation to actually create the world we want. But, they do more. They urge us to locate and theorize the production of actually existing diverse economies and desires, especially non-capitalism, as well as spaces for potential transformation. Common sense understandings might then become sites of possibility for students. How do we do that?


Several years ago, I added a section to my introductory classes. We view the film “The Take” and discuss factory recovery movements and landless workers’ movements. Students in Michigan know the sight of shuttered factories all too well, and they often use these stories of worker activism as springboards for fascinating discussions about the possibility of similar efforts in the US. More recently, I have added sections on the Mondragon Cooperative. While this also proves interesting to many students, they cannot imagine tangible ways of implementing large scale cooperativism in their own lives.


But, then we turn to the United Steel Workers and the plan for redeveloping manufacturing within the US on the model of one worker, one vote. Manufacturing work, Big Unions, the Midwest—those are all very familiar and seem much more tangible and practical. We discuss the Evergreen Cooperatives in Cleveland, which took inspiration from Mondragon and the Cleveland Foundation, and students begin to ask “what if…?” A space of hope is crafted which can be expanded by mapping diverse economies locally. When they look, local examples abound: a restaurant in Grand Rapids whose owner converted it into a worker-run cooperative, cooperatively run farms, bookstores, credit unions, and more. The old common sense of exploitation and muddling through economically and emotionally insecure futures no longer seems so inevitable.


What I am suggesting here is that if we want our teaching to do more than produce compliant or defeated subjects, we need to make anthropology into a discipline that helps students see and know spaces of hope. Perhaps, we could even follow David Graeber’s suggestions and produce democratic, non-authoritarian, even anarchist, classroom spaces. In these spaces, an engagement aimed at producing the discursive conditions for new subjects and economies may emerge. In the process, perhaps, anthropology can become more valued and more vital.


Vincent Lyon-Callo is a professor of anthropology at Western Michigan University, part of the editorial collective for Rethinking Marxism, elected member of his local school board, and youth soccer coach. His ethnographic research explores homelessness, community responses to neoliberalisms, poverty and the possibilities of an activist ethnography.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/01/10/teaching-for-hope/

Who’s on the Map

Theorizing Economic Space


The production of capitalist space has been a central concern of social theorists. The historical and materialist perspectives of leading scholars like David Harvey, Neil Smith and James O’Connor offer compelling accounts of how the inherent logic of capitalist growth has enabled capitalism to dominate economic space. My research has been partially informed by these theoretical precedents. However, my central concern has been the production not of capitalist spaces, but of non-capitalist ones, particularly worker co-operatives.


Map from Valley Alliance of Worker Cooperatives pamphlet. Image courtesy Valley Alliance of Worker Cooperatives

Map from Valley Alliance of Worker Cooperatives pamphlet. Image courtesy Valley Alliance of Worker Cooperatives



My focus on co-operative (rather than capitalist) space was inspired by theories of performativity, economic diversity, and paranoid strong vs weak theory. I believe that theory and discourse contribute to producing the conditions they purport to describe, in this case a “capitalist economy.” As JK Gibson-Graham argues, both the political right and left are producing knowledge—a map, if you will—of an economy that is strictly capitalist. On the right, capitalism is depicted as the bearer of democracy, modernity and technological innovation, while the left represents capitalism as a self-reproducing perpetrator of destruction, a colonizer and penetrator of non-capitalist spaces. Gibson-Graham calls these perspectives “capitalocentric” because “capitalism” is the master term that gives everything its identity and meaning. Every economic practice, relationship, and effect (good and bad) is related back to the same central driver: capitalism (and its consequences or opportunities). Capitalocentric thinking is problematic because it obscures economic diversity and thus limits the possibility for non-capitalist interventions, innovations, and experiments.


In The End of Capitalism (As We Knew It), Gibson-Graham deconstructs the discursive totality of capitalist hegemony and suggests that the widespread representation of “the economy” as singular and singularly capitalist has contributed to that reality “on the ground.” From this perspective, research agendas strictly focused on capitalist space (even in order to change it) may have the effect of (re)producing capitalism by making its (non-capitalist) others invisible. From classical and neoclassical economics to various strains of political economy, shared representations of economic space as coextensive with capitalism have effectively wiped non-capitalist processes off of the map of our economic imaginations.


Co-operative Space


Co-operatives are member-owned, democratically controlled enterprises guided by co-operative values and principles. They differ from capitalist businesses in (1) ownership and organizational structure, (2) principles and values, and (3) their very purposes for existing. Yet co-operatives and these axes of difference are largely absent from the very disciplines that should be studying and teaching them. They are ignored by most business and economics departments, as well as the popular media. They are often dismissed by activists holding deterministic views of global capitalist dominance, and are sometimes forgotten by cooperators themselves. Credit unions are mistaken for traditional capitalist banks and producer co-operatives confused with publically held corporations. This invisibility and misrecognition not only make co-operatives invisible; they also limit possibilities for co-operative development and inter-cooperation, and depoliticize the economy by obscuring real and possible alternatives. So, my work aims to broaden understanding and visibility of co-operatives in order to cultivate and extend what a clever marketing campaign has called “co-opportunities.”


Valley Alliance of Worker Co-operatives


Between December 2005 and February 2011, I conducted ethnographic researcher with the Valley Alliance of Worker Co-operatives (VAWC), a co-operative federation owned by its nine member co-operatives in Western Massachusetts and Southern Vermont. VAWC (www.valleyworker.org) cultivates co-operative spaces by drawing together and utilizing the resources of their co-operative businesses for mutual support, worker co-op development, and education. Member co-ops pay dues and contribute five percent of their annual surplus to a development fund managed and directed by the co-operatives. They employ some 70 worker–members and generate over seven million dollars in revenue. Significantly, they have increased employment and revenue over the last three years despite the economic downturn.


Establishing an active and effective co-operative federation was difficult: it required that each of the member cooperatives grapple with their own understanding of the international co-operative values and principles, that they come to see themselves as clear and viable alternatives to business as usual, and that they identify as part of a broader movement. For several years VAWC organizers explored visions, built trust, and developed a mission through consensus. This was a complicated process, as the group was continually discovering and reaching out to worker co-operatives who hadn’t initially been involved in the conversation. Early on, VAWC didn’t know that their region was home to 11 of the estimated 400 worker co-operatives in the US. Worker co-operatives in our region were as invisible to each other as they had been to the rest of the world. One of the key challenges at this early stage was deciding who formed part of the regional worker co-operative community.


Who’s on the Map?


The question of who and what was VAWC was on the table for years, but one definitive moment in establishing VAWC’s identity was the production of a map. I’m a geographer, so you can imagine how my ears tingled and pen twitched during conversations about the map. I had done a lot of thinking about conceptual mappings of the economy and their effects in the world and how our economic imaginations, behaviors and policies are shaped by the boundaries of our economic representations. Rather than mapping the economy, VAWC endeavored to produce a map of worker co-operatives in the region. However, the process of deciding what and who would be on the VAWC map generated a series of other questions. Not all of the participants of VAWC were worker co-op members. Would the Co-operative Development Institute be on the map? How about the Co-operative Fund of New England? Cooperatively run, but not owned, student businesses? What about intentional communities in the area? Participants from each of these organizations were not members of worker co-operatives but they had been participating in meetings.


Opinions about who and what would be represented on the VAWC map—and who could eventually become a member—varied. Some participants who were not members of worker co-operatives wanted to be members in solidarity and they thought they had earned membership based upon their participation. Some who were members of worker co-operatives wanted to keep the movement inclusive but saw value in drawing a clear picture of worker ownership in the Valley. Excluding the nonprofit organizations of friends meant that feelings were at stake, but a consensus slowly emerged. They decided to include (only) worker co-operatives on the VAWC map. They wanted to make visible their realities as autonomous, member-owned, worker-governed enterprises. The VAWC map (and later their formal Member Agreement) would produce an identity for both themselves and the world to see. The project of producing the map was, in a sense, both realizing and revealing the hidden potential of VAWC. What “reality” did VAWC seek to “produce” in the making of this visual self-representation?


Challenging the image of an economic landscape understood as solely capitalist, VAWC member co-operatives literally put alternative economies—and their existence, practices, values, principles, and effects—on the map. The “reality” both revealed and realized by the VAWC map is a complete reversal of the usual picture. It is a reality in which worker co-operatives in our region exist. Their existence is of central concern on this map that facilitates navigation from one worker co-operative to the next. Indeed, one won’t find a capitalist enterprise on this rendering of co-operative space. They considered the effect of excluding nonprofit allies, but ultimately wanted to highlight the power of worker co-operation.


Reflecting the VAWC mapping exercise back onto academia raises a number of important questions. Like VAWC, we grapple (or perhaps should grapple) with representations of “the economy” that—like maps—are themselves productive of certain kinds of realities. How do the stories we produce about the economy shape economic identities and the economy as it is “on the ground”? How do we decide what and who to represent, which dynamics to grant causal force and which to reduce to passivity? What is the purpose of our theories and what are the activities they facilitate? Who and what is “in”? Who and what is “out”? Who and what counts in our economic representations?


Janelle Cornwell completed her PhD in geography at the University of Massachusetts. She is currently collaborating with VAWC staff and another researcher on a book about worker co-operatives and co-operative development in the Connecticut River Valley of Western Massachusetts and Southern Vermont.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/01/10/whos-on-the-map/

Wednesday 9 January 2013

A history lesson from genes: Using DNA to tell us how populations change

Researchers have developed a software model that can infer population history from modern DNA.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/01/130109151156.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Barbara Linné Kroll Pillsbury Milne

Barbara Pillsbury

Barbara Linné Kroll Pillsbury Milne



Barbara Linné Kroll Pillsbury Milne, 69, of Malibu, CA and Washington, DC, passed away on September 27, 2012. Barbara had a driving interest in working in developing societies to improve women’s health, family planning, child survival and women’s rights. She traveled to some 100 developing nations where she worked assiduously to improve lives through pioneering research and policy recommendations.


As a cultural and medical/public health anthropologist, she held positions with many governmental and non-governmental organizations, including WHO, UNFPA, UNICEF, USAID, the World Bank, International Planned Parenthood Federation, and the Rockefeller, Hewlett, Ford, Gates and Compton foundations. Her numerous research papers, conference presentations and international reports are genuine contributions to international development, reproductive and sexual health, HIV/AIDS education, child health and global gender issues.


Barbara was genius at languages. She spoke thirteen tongues, with particular interest in Chinese. As a tall, vibrant, blond, and intensely interested and interesting woman, she would win the hearts of everyone in an American Chinese restaurant as she ordered the meal in fluent Mandarin. Indeed, restaurant personnel would flood out of the kitchen to share their lives with Barbara. She brought this same verve, compassion, wit and intelligence to everyone she met—from colleagues in international development to villagers in deepest Sudan and Indonesia.


Barbara had a profound interest in applying the theoretical and practical knowledge of anthropology to world issues, and she worked diligently to enable others to pursue these same goals. She was the founding president of the National Association for the Practice of Anthropology, a division of the AAA which supports students and scholars who work outside of academia. Barbara also helped found six other organizations, most notably the Pacific Institute for Women’s Health. She served on numerous boards of directors, including the American Anthropological Association, the Global Health Council, and the International Women’s Health Coalition. For her outstanding achievement in translating anthropological data and ideas into actions that address world problems, Barbara won the Praxis Award of the Washington Association of Professional Anthropologists (WAPA).


Born and raised in Bemidji, MN, Barbara graduated from the University of Minnesota, earned an MA in applied linguistics from Columbia University Teachers College, and a PhD in cultural anthropology from Columbia University, mentored by Margaret Mead. Her doctoral dissertation on Muslim Chinese remains a foundational work for scholars in this field.


Barbara was the daughter of Richard Kroll and Edna (Engvall) Kroll of St Louis Park, MN; cherishing mother of Heather Milne (David) Cristman of Cincinnati, OH, and Kristina Milne of New York City, NY; and beloved by sisters Connie Kroll Skildum of Eagan, MN and Anne Kroll (Doug) Dahlen of Burnsville, MN and many other relatives.


Barbara Pillsbury has touched—and improved—the lives of countless men, women and children. She will be deeply missed by friends from every walk of life in every corner of the planet.


Contributions may be sent to The Molly Gingerich Fund (301/670-0994) or SHARE Institute (www.theshareinstitute.org), two organizations that help young women around the world. (Helen Fisher)






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/01/09/barbara-linne-kroll-pillsbury-milne/