Tuesday 30 April 2013

Land animals kept fish-like jaws for millions of years

For the first time fossil jaw measurements confirm that land animals developed legs millions of years before their feeding systems changed enough to let them eat a land-based diet. The pattern had been hypothesized previously, but not really tested.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130430131120.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Representation and Witnessing

In response to Brian McKenna’s “Medical Education Under Siege” and “The Clash of Medical Civilizations”


Consequently, those who resist or rebel against a form of power cannot merely be content to denounce violence or criticize an institution. Nor is it enough to cast the blame on reason in general. What has to be questioned is the form of rationality at stake.


Michel Foucault, “Omnes et Singulatim: Towards a Criticism of ‘Political Reason’”


In 2012, Brian McKenna has published two articles in two different journals—The International Journal of Critical Pedagogy and The Journal of Medical Humanities—focusing on his experiences working at Michigan State University (MSU) (McKenna 2012a, 2012b). His recounting of his involvement in the Community/University Health Partnerships (C/HUP) program and its ultimate demise broaches important questions involving the role of neoliberalism in how medical care is both structured and taught. As a fourth-year medical student deeply committed to care for the underserved and social justice, I find McKenna’s critiques of medical education to be important, but underwhelming in praxis. Despite McKenna’s application of Freire (McKenna 2012a:113; 2012b:16), he does little to represent a key component of medical education and Freire’s philosophy: students. This silence does not do justice to the types of education sought out and created by us at major medical schools nationwide that focus on social determinants of health, social justice and the political nature of medicine.


I first turn to McKenna’s essays. Even though he provides a wealth of observational data, his analysis is curtailed by the fact that, he does not offer more than one or two examples of medical students involved in their own education. They are clamoring to escape the responsibilities of their involvement in C/HUP (2012a:104) “gobbling up” pamphlets on Cuban health care (2012a:105), ignoring the complex social lives of patients in lieu of “preventative care” (2012b:7), or being persecuted for their political viewpoints (2012b:4). Despite the last statement, itself a quote from another paper, McKenna does little to actively engage the student population with his writings. We—at risk of conformity, obedience and dehumanization (2012b:16)—are characterized as passive entities in our own education. The fiction of representation, especially in these passages, does not do justice to the way medical students attempt to subvert, challenge, and independently guide our own education.


I turn here to the concept of witnessing, well described by both Freire (1970:126) and others in the medical and anthropological field (see Scheper-Hughes 1995, Davenport 2000, and Gruen et al 2004). Seeing and caring for individuals suffering the brutality of social, political, economic and gendered injustice force many medical students to create new forms of education. Physician advocacy, understanding socioeconomic inequalities, and becoming political and social leaders for a changing world are not foreign concepts among medical students (see Dubal 2012; Holmes 2006, 2012). As seen at my institution, the student-led creation of a physician advocacy curriculum, specifically to train medical students how to approach dealing with issues of poverty, homelessness, violence, substance abuse, and historical injustice through clinical work, political advocacy, and continuing research, has been both supported by our administration and students (see Dworkis, Wilbur and Sandel 2010). Our basis in training is not merely to identify the theory behind social determinants of health, but to actively engage these issues. Moreover, we are not alone in our interest. Programs around the country, such as the LEADS (Leadership Education Advocacy Development Scholarship) program at the University of Colorado School of Medicine (see Long et al 2011), focus on these very concepts as well.


My commitment as a future physician is one that is rooted in both social justice and the social sciences, namely medical anthropology. While McKenna’s willingness to speak about the issues that plague the medical community is admirable, his representation of medical students does little to further the discussion regarding how to change medical education and how physicians and students are challenging the status quo. However, his work does provide a challenge to students and physicians alike to push the barriers of what is considered medical education, and calls for multidisciplinary education of students and physicians alike to understand medical and social inequality in all its forms. Yet, he fails to illuminate the many ways medical students are rising up to Foucault’s challenge in the epigraph—questioning the rationality of medical education and seeking out new routes to improve the lives of our patients though understanding injustice, violence and suffering.


Ashish Premkumar is a fourth-year medical student at Boston University. Ashish has a vested interest in medical anthropology research, and has previously published research in journals such as Culture, Health, and Sexuality. Ashish can be reached at ashprem1@bu.edu.


Interested in writing a column for NASA? Contact Keri Canada at keri.canada@gmail.com or kcanada@unr.edu.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/30/representation-and-witnessing/

Anoop Chandola

Anoop Chandola photo by Phull

Anoop Chandola



Anoop Chandola’s anthropological novel In The Himalayan Nights won the 2013 Great Northwest Book Festival. In The Himalayan Nights was inspired by his 1973-74 field project on the folk Mahabharata dancing in the Central Himalayas. The project was funded by the Anthropological Program of the National Science Foundation.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/30/anoop-chandola/

Carlos Vélez-Ibáñez

Carlos Vélez-Ibáñez

Carlos Vélez-Ibáñez



Awarding its highest faculty honors, Arizona State University named seven outstanding faculty members as Regents’ Professors. Among these, Carlos Vélez-Ibáñez was honored February 16 at an induction ceremony in the Galvin Playhouse, on the Tempe campus.


The annual accolade recognizes professors who have made pioneering contributions in their areas of expertise, who have achieved a sustained level of distinction and who enjoy national and international recognition for these accomplishments.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/30/carlos-velez-ibanez/

Thursday 25 April 2013

Archeologists unearth new information on origins of Maya civilization

A new study challenges the two prevailing theories on how the ancient Maya civilization began, suggesting its origins are more complex than previously thought. The findings are based on seven years of archaeological excavations at the ancient Maya site of Ceibal in Guatamala.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130425142343.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Tuesday 23 April 2013

Ancient DNA reveals Europe's dynamic genetic history

Ancient DNA recovered from a series of skeletons in central Germany up to 7,500 years old has been used to reconstruct the first detailed genetic history of modern Europe.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130423134037.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Iron in primeval seas rusted by bacteria

Researchers have been able to show for the first time how microorganisms contributed to the formation of the world's biggest iron ore deposits. The biggest known deposits -- in South Africa and Australia -- are geological formations billions of years old. They are mainly composed of iron oxides -- minerals we know from the rusting process. These iron ores not only make up most of the world demand for iron -- the formations also help us to better understand the evolution of the atmosphere and climate, and provide important information on the activity of microorganisms in the early history of life on Earth.



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Monday 22 April 2013

Sam Beck

Photo by Christian Peguero Sam Beck receives a proclamation from New York City Council Member Diana Reyna in recognition of his service to North Brooklyn communities.

Sam Beck receives a proclamation from New York City Council Member Diana Reyna in recognition of his service to North Brooklyn communities. Photo courtesy Christian Peguero



Sam Beck (Cornell U), senior lecturer and director of the College of Human Ecology’s Urban Semester Program, received the 2013 Daisy Lopez Leadership Award from Churches United for Fair Housing (CUFFH) in Brooklyn, NY on February 20.


The award honors Beck’s work with community partners to improve the lives of low- and middle-income families in Brooklyn, many of whom have lost their homes or face displacement as the borough gentrifies. In the past decade, the borough’s residential property values (particularly those of North Brooklyn) have exploded.


The grassroots CUFFH advocates for affordable housing in North Brooklyn and its mission has grown to include job training, youth development, education, health care and related issues. Beck has served on the CUFFH board since 2007.


A social and cultural anthropologist, Beck leads Urban Semester students in a variety of engaged learning projects to benefit Brooklyn residents. Working with CUFFH leaders, they analyzed 2010 Census data to document the redistribution of racial groups, identifying where Latino, white and Asian populations are clustering as a result of gentrification. Cornell students have also helped extend CUFFH’s reach, producing videos about the organization and uncovering churches and neighborhood groups in North Brooklyn to join its cause.


In addition to his work with CUFFH, Beck serves on the board of Re-Connect, a Brooklyn nonprofit that cultivates educational, economic and civic engagement opportunities for unemployed young men. He helped form the Los Sures Museum, which documents the decades-long redevelopment of Brooklyn’s Williamsburg neighborhood by community leaders. Beck and Cornell students curated its first photographic exhibit in 2012.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/22/sam-beck/

Friday 19 April 2013

Melissa Fellin

Melissa Fellin is the contributing editor for the Council on Anthropology and Education. She earned her PhD from the Department of Anthropology and the Collaborative Graduate Program in Migration and Ethnic Relations at The University of Western Ontario. She has carried out ethnographic research in South Korea and with Somali communities in Canada and the US. Melissa is interested in the effects of global and local processes on students’ experiences of education, the relations formed within and between sites of learning, community educational spaces, language learning, and processes of exclusion and inclusion within schools.


Melissa is currently a postdoctoral fellow at the Centre for Research on Migration and Ethnic Relations at The University of Western Ontario. She is part of a research team that is examining current theories and practices of intercultural competence training, a needs assessment of intercultural competence development in medium and large businesses in Ontario, as well as employees’ and employers’ perceptions and experiences of cultural diversity in the workplace.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/19/melissa-fellin/

Thursday 18 April 2013

Evolving genes lead to evolving genes

Researchers have designed a new method that is opening doors to understanding how we humans have genetically adapted to our local environments and identifying genes that are involved in human evolution.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130418124905.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Wednesday 17 April 2013

Towards the origin of America's first settlers

The international scientific community faces the exciting challenge of discovering the origin of America's first settlers. A new publication shapes some alternatives to the hypothesis of a single migration movement. The study also identifies lineage which has not been described to date in North and Central American populations



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130417092013.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Tuesday 16 April 2013

Findings confirm early South African hominins

Close examination of the lower jawbone, teeth and skeleton of the hominid species Australopithecus sediba proves conclusively that it is uniquely different from a closely related species, Australopithecus africanus.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130415124320.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Online Courses on Research Methods

The University of Florida offers a series of online courses on research methods in cultural anthropology. The courses carry 3 graduate credits and are open to upper division undergraduates, graduate students and professionals. The courses may also be taken without credit.


The courses are limited to 18 participants. The emphasis is on skills for collecting and analyzing the many kinds of data with which anthropologists work.


Four course are offered this year: (1) Text Analysis (May 13 – June 14); (2) Network Analysis (May 13-June 14); (3) Geospatial Analysis (July 1- August 2); and (4) Video Analysis (July 1- August 2).


For information about costs, dates and enrollment, go here.


Please send your comments, questions and news to SAS Contributing Editor David Henig at d.henig@kent.ac.uk.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/16/online-courses-on-research-methods/

Saturday 13 April 2013

Abuse of students doing anthropological fieldwork

College athletes are not the only ones who sometimes suffer at the hands of higher ups. A new report brings to light a more hidden and pernicious problem -- the psychological, physical and sexual abuse of students in the field of biological anthropology working in field studies far from home.



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Thursday 11 April 2013

How Au. Sediba walked, chewed and moved

The 2-million-year-old fossils belong to the species Australopithecus sediba (Au. sediba) and provides "unprecedented insight into the anatomy and phylogenetic position of an early human ancestor," one of the researchers said.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130411142931.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

How 2-million-year-old ancestor moved: Sediba's ribcage and feet were not suitable for running

Researchers have described the anatomy of a single early hominin in six new studies. Australopithecus sediba was discovered near Johannesburg in 2008. The studies demonstrate how our 2-million-year-old ancestor walked, chewed and moved.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130411142942.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Fossilized teeth provide new insight into human ancestor: Species identified in 2010 is one of closest relatives to humans

A dental study of fossilized remains found in South Africa in 2008 provides new support that this species is one of the closest relatives to early humans.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130411142935.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

How human ancestor walked, chewed, and moved

Scientists have pieced together how the hominid Australopithecus sediba (Au. sediba) walked, chewed, and moved nearly two million years ago. Their research also shows that Au. sediba had a notable feature that differed from that of modern humans —- a functionally longer and more flexible lower back.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130411142719.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Walk this way: New research suggests human ancestors may have used different forms of bipedalism during the plio-pleistocene

According to a new study, our Australopithecus ancestors may have used different approaches to getting around on two feet. The new findings represent the culmination of more than four years of research into the anatomy of Australopithecus sediba (Au. sediba). The two-million-year-old fossils, discovered in Malapa cave in South Africa in 2008, are some of the most complete early human ancestral remains ever found.



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Introducing BAS Editor Julienne Rutherford

It is an honor to follow in Virginia Vitzthum’s footsteps as the new BAS contributing editor for Anthropology News. It is fitting that Virginia and I share this particular connection as she and I share an intellectual lineage. Virginia and my Indiana University graduate advisor Kevin Hunt were students together in the PhD program at Michigan. Kevin first connected me with Virginia, who from the first was supportive and enthusiastic about my research and of me as a young woman scholar building her career in biological anthropology. To be handed her long-burning AN torch is a continuation of that relationship and I am excited to carry it forward.


One of my passions—inspired in large part by the graciousness and commitment of established scholars like Virginia—is peer-mentoring among early stage career biological anthropologists. To that end, I founded the Biological Anthropology Developing Investigators Troop (BANDIT) in 2010 at the AAPA meeting in Albuquerque. The idea was to get grad students, postdocs, assistant/visiting/adjunct professors and other “un-tenureds” in a room to loosen up, stop trying to impress each other, and share their stories of struggle and triumph to build a network of emotional and intellectual support. Our first meeting was exhilarating, with about 30 attendees fueled by wine donated by James McKenna. That led to the formation of the BANDIT blog in which I post original content about grantwriting, manuscript writing, personal life issues (I avoid the word balance!), teaching, mentorship and other critical issues. In the following years, the BANDIT Happy Hour at AAPA has become a de rigueur event, with attendance climbing to 200 last year in Portland. Once I had my daughter and the pace of the tenure track picked up, I was unable to manage the blog alone. In January, several wonderful—and mostly untenured—colleagues joined me in introducing the BANDIT facebook page which at this writing has 600 members. Together with Kate Clancy of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Robin Nelson of the University of California at Riverside, Elizabeth Quinn of Washington University, Katie Hinde of Harvard University, and our sole tenured moderator Katie MacKinnon of St Louis University, we are reaching thousands of Facebook users a week. The material we share should be of broad interest to anthropologists of all stripes, and particularly their students. Like BANDIT on Facebook!


Howells Award Fundraiser


The WW Howells Award is awarded by BAS to recognize outstanding books in biological anthropology. The Biological Anthropology Section of the AAA is undertaking a fundraising drive to increase the Howells Endowment Fund so that we can better honor both the memory of an eminent biological anthropologist and the outstanding work that biological anthropologists are doing today. Our goal in this drive is to raise $10,000, all of which will be added to the fund, to increase the income it generates. Checks for contributions should be made out to the American Anthropological Association with the notation Howells Fund in the memo line. Contributions should be sent to the Howells Award, American Anthropological Association, 2200 Wilson Blvd, Suite 600, Arlington, VA 22201.


2012 BAS Student Prize Winner: Michaela Howells


The 2012 BAS Student Prize goes to the paper entitled: “You Just Have to Wait: The Impact of Marital Status on the Pregnancy Outcomes of Samoan Women” by lead author (and presenter) Michaela Howells (U Colorado, Boulder) and co-authors Richard Bender (U Colorado, Boulder), Darna L Dufour (both from UCB), and John Ah Ching and Bethal Mua’sau (LBJ Tropical Medical Center). Howells et al investigated the relationship between social capital, marital status and pregnancy outcomes in American Samoa. They coupled a thorough statistical analysis of the relationship between marital status and pregnancy outcomes, with a detailed grasp of the cultural practices that encourage some and deny others the ability to have a formal state-sanctioned marriage.


Harappan Archives Available


The Archives at Cornell University now contain the full texts authored by Nancy C Lovell, Brian Hemphill, John R Lukacs and Kenneth AR Kennedy on the subject of the Biological Anthropology of the Human Skeletons from Cemetery R-37 at Harappa Village, Pakistan. These are from the mature phase of the Harappan (lndus) Civilization. They were described in the two field sessions at the site in 1987 and 1988. These records have not been published, but they are available to all scholars with research interests in the archaeology and biological anthropology of prehistoric South Asia. Those wishing to see this document should contact Elaine Engst, Archivist, Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Level 23, Carl A Kroch Library, Cornell University, lthaca, NY14853-5302. Her telephone number is 1/607-255-0370.


Biological Anthropology Fieldwork Survey


In her wonderful work as a blogger of ladybusiness over at Scientific American, Kate Clancy has collected several disturbing stories of sexual harassment and assault in the field. She recognized an opportunity to learn more about the state of fieldwork in biological anthropology and the potential risks for our students in unfamiliar territory at the bottom of the hierarchy of academic power. To that end, she and several colleagues (including me, Robin Nelson and Katie Hinde) developed the Biological Anthropology Fieldwork Survey, which can be found via Clancy’s blog. By the time you read this column the survey may no longer be live, but I will be reporting updates and findings in my online AN column so please stay tuned there or over at Context and Variation.


This space is your space. Have an announcement to share? Email me at ruther4d@uic.edu.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/11/introducing-bas-editor-julienne-rutherford/

Wednesday 10 April 2013

Pottery reveals Ice Age hunter-gatherers’ taste for fish

Hunter-gatherers living in glacial conditions produced pots for cooking fish, according to the findings of a pioneering new study which reports the earliest direct evidence for the use of ceramic vessels. Scientists carried out chemical analysis of food residues in pottery up to 15,000 years old from the late glacial period, the oldest pottery so far investigated.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130410131137.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Tuesday 9 April 2013

The Sexed and Gendered Body

Comments on the Bioarchaeology of Sex and Gender


While sex and gender have acted as critical variables in anthropological inquiry for several decades, bioarchaeologists have only embraced them as major analytical foci within the past ten years. Here, we comment briefly on contemporary bioarchaeological research on sex and gender and discuss a few areas where recent advances have enabled researchers to contribute to larger anthropological discourses in new ways. In particular, we highlight two examples from our own work in which bioarchaeology uniquely illuminates the links between sex, gender, social identity and community-level patterns of health and disease in antiquity.


Having moved past using sex and gender in a one-dimensional manner, contemporary bioarchaeological research increasingly incorporates current social theory on these and other related constructs. For instance, Agarwal (2012, American Anthropologist) recently compared bone density changes between two medieval European communities using a life-course perspective, revealing that women’s post-menopausal bone loss is not a biological universal but is instead a culturally-mediated process. This study integrates sex, gender and bone loss data with historical data and demonstrates how an integrative approach, which considers aging, gendered activity, sex, and nutrition, can reveal more about the impact of social identity on health than a uni-dimensional one.


Many researchers have also taken advantage of the temporal sensitivity unique to archaeologically derived skeletal material to gain insight into how social identities were constructed and experienced in the past. According to Knudson and Stojanowski (2008, Journal of Archaeological Research) bioarchaeology’s combination of skeletal material—and the evidence of adaptive plasticity that it represents—with archaeological data can be used to generate processual, not just historical insights into social identity in the past. Because humans biologically embody their circumstances, skeletons also provide direct records of such experiences, including those obscured or invisible in archaeological or historical evidence. For instance, Grauer and colleagues’ (1998, “A History of Their Own” in Sex and Gender in Paleopathological Perspective) analysis of skeletal stress indicators in a 19th century Chicago poorhouse skeletal sample revealed no significant sex-based differences, which contradicted historical literature suggesting strongly gendered experiences of poverty, with women bearing most of its costs. Meaningful patterns only emerged when demographic data was integrated and historically contextualized, revealing intersecting gendered and life course-based differences that mapped directly onto sex and age; young women were the healthiest group entering the poorhouse, but unlike other groups, seemed unable to leave, and tended to die in old age, diseased and still resident.


Importantly, bioarchaeological findings can also be used to deconstruct ideas of the historical stability of sex and gender, thereby denaturalizing associated inequities as products of human action and interests rather than inevitable stresses. Two studies, one on 19th and 20th century acquired syphilis, and another on women’s leadership roles in the Pre-Hispanic Southwest, demonstrate this.


Many 19th and early 20th century medical studies state that the manifestations of syphilis varied greatly by sex, with women expressing much milder symptoms. Specifically, reproductive age women were often completely asymptomatic, despite giving birth to infected children, and became symptomatic only at menopause. Few explanations for these observations were given. However, because variation in the manifestations of syphilis still interferes with diagnosis and because sex is now recognized as a modulator of pathophysiology, Zuckerman and Armelagos (2012, “Translating between biology and society: sex, gender, syphilis, and immunology” SAA paper) investigated relationships between sex and syphilitic manifestations, focusing on 18th to 19th century English skeletal samples and reanalysis of clinical studies of untreated syphilis. Results revealed no clear-cut differences, directly contradicting the medical narrative. Beyond methodological issues in the clinical studies, this incongruity may be attributable to gendered medical perceptions of disease. Throughout the period, women were increasingly blamed for transmission of syphilis in popular and medical discourses, and a medical narrative of hidden infection may have aligned well with entrenched beliefs about women’s culpability in infecting unsuspecting men.


Recent re-examinations of skeletal remains from Black Mesa, a marginal, isolated community in present-day northeastern Arizona from AD 850 to 1150, have investigated women’s roles, particularly their involvement in community survival in unpredictable environments (Crandall et al, 2012, “We Didn’t Know We Were Poor” 2012 SAA paper). Analyses of patterns of anemia, infection, mortality and non-fatal trauma demonstrate that stress and injuries were shared across the community, rather than specific to one sex or age cohort. This is consistent with the picture of egalitarianism proposed by archaeologists. The results also confirmed that elderly women comprised a large portion of the community, which is atypical for the region. By incorporating multiple indicators, this study revealed the existence of numerous cohorts of women, each at different points in the life course, who experienced unequal health risks. Elderly women, consistent with ethnohistorical finds, likely ensured adequate resource distribution throughout the community which buffered against seasonal food shortages. Overall, this study shows that it was a diversity of women’s roles and experiences that provided the “womanpower” critical for survival in this environment.


Both studies highlight how bioarchaeological approaches can uncover complex connections between social identity and other variables, such as disease experience, subsistence, and community politics. In each case, the biological and social experiences recorded in the skeleton are interpreted as the result of complex interactions between environments, social structures, and individual agents. Because of their attention to process and temporal sensitivity, and their ability to uncover otherwise obscured narratives directly from the body, these approaches have great potential for contributing to broader anthropological discourses on sex, gender and other aspects of social identity. In particular, such approaches can generate connections between current lived experiences of sex and gender and those of the past, while enlivening our understanding of sex and gender as complex and necessary variables in the social and natural sciences and the humanities.


John Crandall is a PhD student in the department of anthropology, University of Nevada, Las Vegas. Molly Zuckerman is an assistant professor in the department of anthropology and Middle Eastern cultures, Mississippi State University.


AFA Contributing Editors Damla Isik (disik@regis.edu) and Jessica Smith Rolston (jrolston@mines.edu) welcome your contributions to the column.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/09/the-sexed-and-gendered-body/

Monday 8 April 2013

Society for Anthropological Sciences on Facebook

The new Facebook page for the Society for Anthropological Sciences has been created. Please join us at facebook.com/SocietyforAnthropologicalSciences.


SAS Facebook Page


Please send your comments, questions and news to SAS Contributing Editor David Henig at d.henig@kent.ac.uk.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/08/society-for-anthropological-sciences-on-facebook/

Sunday 7 April 2013

New light shed on ancient Egyptian port and ship graveyard

New research illuminates Thonis-Heracleion, a sunken port-city that served as the gateway to Egypt in the first millennium BC. This obligatory port of entry, known as 'Thonis' by the Egyptians and 'Heracleion' by the Greeks, was where seagoing ships probably unloaded their cargoes to have them assessed by temple officials and taxes extracted before transferring them to Egyptian ships that went upriver.



via ScienceDaily: Anthropology News http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2013/04/130407150740.htm?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+sciencedaily%2Ffossils_ruins%2Fanthropology+%28ScienceDaily%3A+Fossils+%26+Ruins+News+--+Anthropology%29

Friday 5 April 2013

David M Brugge

David M Brugge

David M Brugge



David M Brugge, 85, well-known Navajo ethnohistorian, died March 15, 2013, in Albuquerque. Born and raised in Jamestown, NY, Dave served in the army in WW II and then attended University of New Mexico (UNM), earning his BA in anthropology in 1950. After establishing the Ayani Trading Company (1950–52) in Old Town with friend Jim Wilson, he became increasingly involved with Navajos, first driving Navajo Commodity Food Program trucks (Gallup), then directing the English Language-Recreation Program (Unitarian Service Committee with Santa Fe Railroad). During this time, Dave met Ruth Sherlog, a social worker; they married in 1959.


After archaeological surveys and ranger work, in 1958 Brugge began a decade with the Navajo Land Claims and Tribal Research Section of the Navajo Tribe. He became immersed in research for the claims case, Healing v Jones. With J Lee Correll and Editha Watson, Dave assembled the Navajo Bibliography (1967), the first since Kluckhohn’s of 1940. The Research Section published his 1968 Navajos in the Catholic Church Records of New Mexico, 1694-1875, an important resource for Navajo slavery research.


In 1968 Dave began 21 years with the National Park Service, first as curator at Hubbell Trading Post National Historic Monument. In 1973 the family moved to Albuquerque where Dave was affiliated with the UNM Chaco Center. In 1977–78, he became regional curator for NPS’s Division of Information and Visitor Services, Santa Fe; he retired in 1989. Like many, Dave saw relocation (per the 1974 Navajo-Hopi Land Settlement Act and 1975 Relocation Commission) as no solution to Healing v Jones. This led to another major work, The Navajo-Hopi Land Dispute: An American Tragedy (1994).


A meticulous scholar who championed Navajo rights, he was deeply interested in Navajo cultural history (History of the Chaco Navajos, 1980; Tsegai, 1986). Constantly critiquing manuscripts and reviewing publications on request, Dave was active in AAA, American Society for Ethnohistory, Society for American Archaeology, Archaeological Society of New Mexico, and many other organizations. Together with Charlotte J Frisbie, he coedited the festschrift Navajo Religion and Culture: Selected Views (1982) for Navajo scholar Leland C Wyman. That collaboration led to their cofounding the Navajo Studies Conference in 1986.


Dave’s prolific output for conferences, journals, edited volumes; book reviews; and letters to the editor was fueled by voracious reading on widespread interests. He remained actively involved in world and human rights issues. Although his dream of writing a book on Navajo archaeology was not realized, he completed another paper on rock art two days before his death. Dave will be remembered as a gracious, creative, wise elder who always willingly helped students and colleagues. Recipient of many honors throughout his career, Dave was awarded an honorary doctorate by UNM in 2005. Predeceased by his wife, Ruth (1990), Dave’s survivors include his children Doug, Steve, and Janet; their spouses; and three grandchildren, Camille, Adam, and Sarah. Those of us who knew and worked with Dave over the years count him among our very best friends. (Charlotte J Frisbie, with assistance from the Brugge family, Mary June-el Piper, and Klara B Kelley. Photograph by Steve Brugge, 2007)






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/05/david-m-brugge/

Wednesday 3 April 2013

Shark tooth weapons reveal missing shark species in Central Pacific islands

The Gilbert Island reefs in the Central Pacific were once home to two species of sharks not previously reported in historic records or contemporary studies. The species were discovered in a new analysis of weapons made from shark teeth and used by 19th century islanders.



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Tuesday 2 April 2013

Mass Shooting Events and the Problem of Novel Environments

Weapons have long been part of human evolutionary history—hafted spear points have been dated as far back as 500,000 years in South Africa—but killing instruments that can fire up to 30 or 100 bullets without reloading have not been part of our species’ evolutionary heritage. According to recent coverage from the Hartford Courant, the December 14, 2012 shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School expended 151 bullets in less than five minutes from a Bushmaster AR-15 assault rifle with 30-round extended magazines. Of course, there have been more destructive sudden events that enacted a higher death toll at human hands; the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki come immediately to mind. Generally these sudden events of intentional mass carnage have state sponsorship and derive from the consolidated efforts of many people in orchestrating the attack. Even as the terror attacks of September 11, 2001 lacked conventional state support, they emerged from the collective action of many individuals with significant financial backing. In contrast, a sudden mass shooting in a crowded theater can leave upwards of 70 shot and dozens dead in a matter of minutes, for a cost of about $1,000 for a legally acquired assault rifle and ammunition, and with a lone shooter as the agent of destruction. From Colorado to Connecticut, recent US mass shooting events have required far less organization and coordination than larger-scale tragedies such as the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the bombing of the USS Cole that now feel like history lessons to our undergraduate students.



Problem of Novel Environments


In moving from grief to policy amendments in addressing such tragic losses, it may be helpful to consider a lesson from evolutionary theory. The problem of novel environments is a central concern of evolutionary approaches to understanding behavior, reflecting the concept that one cannot expect an organism to behave adaptively once removed from the environment in which that species has evolved. Just as our bodies and behaviors may not be ideally adapted to the environments in which we currently find ourselves, those very environments may present hazards for public safety that would have been unfathomable in our evolutionary past. Lee Cronk (Rutgers U) explains that the problem of novel environments is the reason why we find so many dead armadillos littered along interstates in the US South. Cars weren’t part of the ancestral environment for armadillos, but coyotes and other predators were. Jumping straight into the air might distract a coyote from his appointed meal, but it would have no effect on an onrushing Volkswagen. In evolutionary medicine, the problem of novel environments is exemplified by the thrifty gene hypothesis of James Neel, whereby having a phenotype that stores excess nutrients as fat may be advantageous in a landscape of periodic food shortages but may contribute to obesity and Type 2 Diabetes in an environment of plentiful Twinkies. In both of these examples, we can see a clear disjuncture between current and ancestral environments, with disastrous effects.


Mass shooting events are a highly visible manifestation of this conflict between the contemporary environments in which we live and the environments in which humans have spent much of our evolutionary history. We may have evolved defenses to acts of aggression or retaliation by bands of allied individuals, but there is no clear analogue in our defensive toolkit for sudden violent acts by lone individuals that can swiftly lead to the deaths of a dozen or more bystanders.


The use of violent force has been documented across many human cultures and in our closest primate relatives, but the form it takes varies over space and time. Humans are social creatures, and much of our violence, too, is social—not simply in the obvious sense of being inflicted upon other people, but also to the extent that it often involves the formations of coalitions to wreak revenge, show strength or seize resources. Our coalitions have their roots in non-human primates; both savanna baboons and common chimpanzees, for example, are well known for forming fighting coalitions. These coalitions enable attackers to be more successful than they would have been as lone combatants.


Coalitions are also often key in warfare among forager-horticulturalist and pastoralist societies. Among the Yanomamö of South America, Napoleon Chagnon (U Missouri) has noted that revenge killings often occur in the context of group raids of villages that may require as much as five days of travel to reach. Among the Turkana of East Africa, killing raids may consist of small groups of less than 20 to large parties of over 1,000 individuals. Sarah Mathew (Stony Brook U) and Robert Boyd (Arizona State U) contend that cooperation among such large coalitions involved in violence against other groups is sustained by punishing those who defect or who claim more than their fair share of the spoils. In contrast, contemporary mass shooting events usually do not emerge from coalitions. Where those idiosyncratic exceptions occur, such as in the partnership behind the Columbine shootings in 1999, the coalitions are generally dyads.


In addition to the social context of murder being different in contemporary US mass shooting events from warfare in pre-state societies, the motivations seem to be different as well. Many historical and cross-cultural analyses of violence link aggressive acts to signaling dominance, seizing resources or retaliating for past harms. In contrast, mass murder is not well understood from a psychological standpoint—and is presumably not a unitary phenomenon—but may be connected to a desire for notoriety. This notoriety does not accrue benefits to the killers in life, as indeed many mass murderers commit suicide at the end of the killing spree, either as a final coda to the act or to avoid incarceration. In pre-state societies, revenge killings may often be meted against any member of the same lineage or tribe, rather than to the initial offending party. To the extent to which mass shootings have been linked to retaliatory motivations, the retaliation has been generalized with victim pools stretching beyond and not always including the antagonists by whom the shooter believes that he has been harmed.


Reacting to Tragic Crimes


Steven Pinker (Harvard U) argues persuasively in The Better Angels of Our Nature that violence has declined over time. Despite this heartening general trend, the evolutionary novelty of powerful firearms and high-capacity ammunition magazines in the hands of individual citizens should be considered within the context of cross-cultural expressions of violence in shaping public policy. Anthropologists have a voice to weigh in on this issue. In studying how to respond to events of mass carnage perpetrated by private citizens—and, more to the point—in preventing future incidents, we should consider the evolutionary significance of violence, its contemporary manifestations in small-scale societies, and how the manifestations of violent acts in mass murder are shaped by unprecedented access to powerful weaponry.


The reaction to events of mass murder stirs up deep-seated psychological responses and motivates public action. In psychological terms, the dread effect can in part illuminate the emotional response to mass tragedies and its impacts on our subsequent behavior. The dread effect influences how we perceive potential harms and benefits related to particularly fearsome stimuli that we can visualize, and which are often very rare sources of human calamity. It has been interpreted as the reason why we fear shark attacks despite sharks only accounting for about 4.2 annual deaths worldwide, according to the conservation organization Oceana. The dread effect has also been linked to terrorism: according to Peter Ayton (City U), excess bicycling deaths in the month subsequent to the 2005 tube and bus bombings in London can likely be attributed to greater numbers of people avoiding subway transit due to fear of a repeat occurrence.


Shaping Policy


Our visceral reaction to these killings is in part attributable to their sheer evolutionary novelty. We do not have cultural adaptations that enable us to best defend against these, or to make sense of them when they do occur. Further, they spur us to action when disconnected killings that go on every day do not. In the days following the Sandy Hook shooting, massive shipments of donated toys began filling warehouses in Newtown, CT, while individual homicides across the country did not receive the same media coverage as their cumulative numbers eclipsed the death toll from Sandy Hook. Meanwhile, restrictions on assault weapons and ammunition have been legislatively proposed by the left and vociferously opposed by the right.


Because contemporary shooting sprees depart from what most of our anthropological data suggest about violence, it is worthwhile to consider how our culturally-evolved responses to violence and risk may be ill-equipped to respond to these modern threats. We can consider these differences in forming policy to prevent or reduce the devastation of further acts, while also keeping in mind their relative rarity in terms of not shifting our daily behaviors such as to place us at greater risk of individual tragedies. Such public health and urban planning considerations caution against greater defensive gun ownership and concealed carry in crowded settings in the hopes of thwarting a future attack, which hearkens to the role of the dread effect in contributing to the increased London bicycling fatalities in the summer of 2005. While the nation’s attention is still focused on gun control policy in the wake of recent tragedies, policymakers could well attend to the insights that can be offered by cultural and evolutionary anthropologists who work on topics related to violence and aggression.


Bria Dunham is assistant professor of global health and anthropology at Mercer University. She is interested in how insights from evolutionary anthropology can inform global health policy and practice, and she is also the webmaster for the Evolutionary Anthropology Society.







via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/02/mass-shooting-events-and-the-problem-of-novel-environments/

In Security and Safety

Perspectives from a Mexican Migrant Shelter


Hammock Photo courtesy Wendy Vogt

A tired migrant rests at a shelter in Oaxaca, Mexico. Photo courtesy Wendy Vogt



In Mexico, the war on drugs has become a war on migrants. Each year, hundreds of thousands of people from El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras leave home in search of a better, more secure future for themselves and their families. Propelled by deep structural violence and the highest homicide rates in the world, Central American migrants must cross Mexico in their attempts to reach the US. The journey can take weeks, months or even years as migrants navigate the complex physical and human terrain of organized criminals, smugglers, gangs and security forces who increasingly control various segments of major migration routes, often in coordination with one another. Since 2006, the interpenetration of markets for humans and drugs within Mexico’s security state has resulted in more systematic violence against migrants. In 2010, Mexico’s Human Right’s Commission documented 11,000 kidnappings of undocumented migrants in a period of six months. That same year, the bodies of 72 mostly Central American migrants—58 men and 14 women—were found executed in a ranch in the northern state of Tamaulipas. Migrants are funneled into more dangerous routes where they risk abuse, extortion, kidnapping, rape, dismemberment and death.


Since violence against migrants is not random, it is important to examine the larger political economy of mobility and securitization that profits of the movement of peoples, drugs, arms and intelligence across multiple borders. Fifteen months of fieldwork in shelters and transit points along the migrant journey in southern Mexico illuminated the complexities of violence and security for undocumented migrants and the local communities they pass through. The politics of who deserves security and how it should be implemented come into conflict, particularly as they reflect diverse interests of national security and individual safety. This essay focuses on some of the contradictions that emerge as state and transnational securitization projects play out in local contexts. Along the journey, the supposed protectors of the vulnerable were often the most feared, spaces of sanctuary were considered unsafe and in some cases, victims of violence became perpetrators of violence.


(Trans) National Security


In the US, immigration discourse tends to focus on securing borders; imaginings of drug traffickers, terrorists and “illegals” waiting to enter—nay invade—the homeland. Yet, with the expansion of a multi-billion dollar security industry, including the Mérida Initiative and the Central American Regional Security Initiative, the promise of security no longer ends at the border. Securitization has become transnational. According to the US State Department, “[I]t is in the national security interest of the United States to support our partners’ fight against this scourge, prevent further violence from spilling over our border, and make our streets safe once again from drug and gang-related crime.” Indeed, the battle for US national security largely takes place in Mexico and Central America. Do we need new ways of theorizing the geographies of the “homeland?”


Hammock Photo Courtesy of

Central American migrants wait for the freight train in Veracruz, Mexico. Photo courtesy Wendy Vogt



Transnational security initiatives are touted as the new paradigm of bilateral security cooperation, evidenced by the oft-cited phrase of “shared responsibility” between the US, Mexico and Central America. And while such initiatives claim to increase citizen security throughout the region, since 2006 Mexico’s drug war has claimed between 60,000-100,000 lives and over 26,000 disappearances. The so-called Northern Triangle of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras continue to lead the world in homicide rates. Furthermore such initiatives only claim to protect citizens who stay in place. The training, funding and equipment used to fight trafficking and organized crime may cross borders but the logics of human security do not, even though unauthorized migrants are among the most victimized and exploited at the hands of organized criminals.


On the contrary, those who cross borders are either invisible or seen as threats to security strategies “from above.” The newly appointed director of Mexico’s National Migration Institute, Ardelio Vargas Fosado, recently stated that Central American migration must be addressed from a national security perspective. Vargas Fosado is the former Chief of Mexico’s Federal Preventive Police and a key figure in the 2006 Atenco massacre and repression of Oaxaca’s 2006 social movement. His appointment confirms adherence to a paradigm of repression and security rather than to human rights. It has been called a slap in the face by migrant rights activists.


On the ground, the consequences of securitization have been nothing short of devastating for unauthorized migrants. Mexican police and military control major highways, checkpoints and detention centers, and are often complicit in systematic extortion, sexual violence and mass kidnappings, a dynamic Christine Kovic (2010) has called “the violence of security.” Human Rights Watch recently published a report on disappearances in Mexico in which they document nearly 60% of cases involving state security actors.


Unable to travel on major highways, the security apparatus channels migrants deeper into the grips of human smuggling and organized crime, which they simultaneously fear and need. Migrants ride atop of Mexican freight trains with smugglers or guides who buy “safe passage” from organized criminals who control stretches of the journey. Those who do not contract a smuggler (approximately $6,000-$7,000 from Central America to the US) risk being kidnapped and held for ransom. Thus, smuggling has become the safest option for navigating threats of Mexican security and organized crime. At best such arrangements implicate migrants and their families in unpaid debts and ransoms and at worst, migrants are forcibly disappeared or killed.


As the train route has become more dangerous, shelter workers increasingly funnel migrants through more secure routes on less traveled roads, but these also become subject to new forms of violence and insecurity. I routinely observed the systematic extortion of undocumented migrants riding a local bus between two migrant shelters in the state of Oaxaca. Bus conductors worked in collusion with local police to stop the bus, target unauthorized migrants and extort money from them before allowing them to continue on their journeys. Through legitimized security measures, local authorities and residents profit off the flow of undocumented migrants.


Politics of Sanctuary


Despite reports that fewer people are attempting to cross the US-Mexico border, activists in Mexico report record numbers of undocumented migrants passing through established migrant shelters. In response to violence and the absence of state support, a network of over 50 Catholic-based shelters provide food, rest and medical attention to migrants in need. While some migrants go to shelters to make official human rights claims of abuses they have suffered, others simply continue on their way, disillusioned by endemic corruption and impunity.


In part motivated by my own concerns for safety in the field, most of my research was conducted within established migrant shelters working closely with local priests, shelter workers and migrants. As a volunteer, I became privy to some of the complex dynamics of safety and security within and beyond shelter walls. Migrant shelters are both spaces of sanctuary and zones of profit and exploitation within the larger topography of fear and violence along the journey. This creates new forms of insecurity and tension in local spaces.


Within the political economy of the journey, migrant shelters have become places where multiple actors target migrants to smuggle, kidnap or recruit into criminal operations. On a daily basis shelter workers identify likely smugglers and criminals to leave the shelter premises. Shelter workers have received death threats. I documented several cases where former migrants had been found recruiting female migrants from the shelter to work in the local sex industry. Some female migrants expressed anxiety and fear of rape, even within shelters. In response to such insecurities, most shelters now implement strict security protocols, which sometimes means hiring armed bodyguards.


As shelters emerge as important nodes in the migration economy, they fuel new fears and insecurities in local communities. Concerns for safety and rights for undocumented migrants and migrant rights defenders are often at odds with concerns for safety and security of local residents. Migrant shelters are blamed for increases in local violence. I have observed at least three separate cases where migrants have been accused of raping local women, sparking protest and controversy in local communities. Several shelters have been forced to close their doors as residents, migrant rights advocates and local officials clash on how local security should be defined and implemented. On the door of one closed migrant shelter in the state of Veracruz, a handwritten sign simply read, “Migrant, continue on your way.”


Reframing Transnational Security


A remarkable transnational coalition of shelters and organizations in Mexico and Central America have joined to demand the safety and security of Central American migrants crossing Mexico. This group’s core includes the mothers and families of disappeared migrants who retrace their missing children’s journeys. In doing so, they demand human rights protections from the state, advocate for a DNA database to systematically track dead bodies, and plead for ending the culture of impunity. During a public march I attended, the caravan of mothers walked through the town where the local migrant shelter was highly contested, carrying posters and distributing flyers with photographs of their missing children. Drawing on the historical legacy of mothers of the missing and disappeared in Latin America, these women were not only making their personal stories visible, but also collectively reframing how and who deserves the right to security.


The work of local shelters and feminist activists forces us to reconceptualize notions of transnational violence and security. People and communities feel the everyday consequences of security projects across borders and in ways that contribute to new forms of violence and social tension. Yet, as the movement for migrant rights in Mexico teaches us, they also open new spaces for transnational forms of solidarity and resistance.


Wendy Vogt is assistant professor of anthropology at Indiana University Purdue University Indianapolis. She is preparing a manuscript based on her dissertation research on Central American migration, transnational violence and solidarity in southern Mexico.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/02/in-security-and-safety/

Security and Finance

The relation of security to finance is deceptive. We expect security to be the goal, and finance to be a means of attaining it. Finance does appear to promote security when money is managed in ways that allay anticipated damage or loss. They include careful budgeting over a lifetime, pooling and redistributing resources across a group, proactively investing in education or infrastructure. Yet far from being a neutral instrument that can serve any goal, finance has a built-in logic of profit-maximization, which is not aligned with the pursuit of security. Against appearances to the contrary, finance exploits individual insecurity and therein undermines collective security. I want to demonstrate this by juxtaposing two perspectives: that of households, which hedge against insecurity; and that of the financial market through which they do so. I then draw on my research among Israeli homebuyers to show how the logic of finance eclipses that of households, to the detriment of the security they seek.


Perspective of Households


For households, finance follows the logic of budgeting. Rather than spend their money wantonly on satisfying their immediate desires, individuals foresee a day when cash is not so readily available. Anticipating this day, they pool their resources and budget their expenditures. The modern lifecycle makes such periods fairly predictable. Child-rearing, higher education and old age are typically devoid of regular or sufficient cash inflows. The precariousness of jobs, fluctuations of rental markets, and rising prices of goods and services, also point at the eventuality of such times. Adding to them the threat of natural disasters, illnesses, theft or accidents, and responsibility evidently calls for investment in one’s own security. Individuals can pay for higher education to increase their (or their children’s) chances of attaining comfortable incomes. They can buy homes to have a roof over their heads and an asset to draw on for extra cash even when times get rough. Increasingly, these measures demand resources that exceed households’ existing cash reserves. To afford them, they rely on finance writ large, taking out student loans, mortgages, or other forms of bank credit. They also buy security products directly, paying premiums to insurance companies which reinvest their capital for profit, while promising to pay the insured parties indemnities in case of lost or damaged property, healthcare coverage in case of illness, pensions for their old age, or should they be stricken by premature death, care for their dependents. Thus households are implicated in the financial market by dint of their need for security. Their loans gain interest, compelling them to repay more than what they took out; while the capital values of their homes, credentials, or pension funds might grow or decline according to market fluctuations. What influence does this have on the security they seek? To answer this question, the market perspective must be considered.


Market Perspective


Finance is the manipulation of money for the creation of more money. In the global economy, profits are increasingly accrued through financial channels, rather than through the production or exchange of commodities. Firms and banks accrue profit by speculating on exchange rates, charging interest on loans, selling financial products like insurance contracts, and reinvesting the capital they collect in stocks and bonds. Since the price of capital is determined by the expectation of future profit, finance is an opportunity-seeking market. Insecurity represents for finance the opportunities that inhere in an unknown future. The less protections are available to households or investors against harm or loss, the larger their incentive to hedge against them. When unable to rely on rallying communities or public provisions, households do so independently through finance. Security as a financial product is converted into profit directly, through the charging of larger premiums for larger risks; and indirectly, through the exponential growth of an insecure paying clientele. The possible causes and agencies of loss, damage, or catastrophe, are downplayed in favor of adjusting investments adequate to their consequences, creating a favorable climate for profit. Finance appeals to households in its enforceable promise to provide them with security where other institutions cannot. But the insinuation of a profit-maximizing logic of finance into ever more aspects of social life defies this promise. Within financial markets, returns on early investments are amassed through the devalued investments of latecomers, just as privileged positions of knowledge and power make speculation on insecurity profitable for some at the expense of others. Capital thereby concentrates at the very top of high finance, depleting private and public consumption reserves. More and more people are made insecure where they could previously rely on steady incomes, protected savings, and state provisions. Finance further diffuses resistance to their predicament when it incentivizes individuals to insure for the sake of security, and then puts their capital in motion for the sake of profit; refashioning them as investors and speculators despite themselves. Individuals are thereupon made complicit in their collective insecurity. This is best seen through the prism of real-estate, which is the point at which profit-seeking speculation converges with what is arguably households’ most expensive investment—leveraged by financial intermediaries—in their own security.


False Security of Mortgage-Financed Homeownership


With the erosion in public provision of necessary goods and services, homeownership is a foremost means of domestic security. I have recently studied home purchases in Israel in the context of a spike in its housing prices. For my informants, ownership of a home was worth almost any price since it meant protecting their families from the vagaries of unreliable income flows and an unregulated rental market. Because of the high costs of housing, first-time homebuyers could only finance their purchase by taking out burdensome mortgage loans, to be repaid with interest over decades. By the time they would finish paying off their mortgage debts, they would be paying banks as much as two to three times the market price of their homes. The debts they took on seemed irrational, since profits accrued to the banks, rather than to their private cash reserves. They only made sense for homebuyers insofar as real-estate prices continued to escalate, lifting the value of their mortgaged house apace with the size of their debts. Homebuyers unwittingly relied, in other words, on a steady increase of insecure households compelled to take on similar debts. And indeed homebuyers’ willingness to pay extraordinary prices fueled the rise in housing prices, and inflated banks’ financial profits from ever higher mortgage loans. In seeking security for their households, mortgage-borrowers became de-facto investors. But their investment logic pushed against their needs and desires. Aspiring homebuyers were outraged by the prohibitive costs of housing. Homeowners were likewise indignant at the fact that even though their homes doubled in value in a mere few years, they could not afford to purchase better homes if they sold them, nor could they afford to help their children attain the security that they had achieved for themselves. These grievances culminated in the housing protests of summer 2011. Yet despite their unprecedented force, finance made it impossible for the Israeli public to reverse the insecurity facing households. The homebuyers I studied spoke of their reluctance to pay rent that would go into someone else’s pockets rather than advancing them towards something of their own. Sensing that what they could barely afford today would fall out of reach tomorrow, they relayed a sense of urgency to get on the real-estate ladder as early as possible. The imposition of finance prevented them from prioritizing their collective concerns, as each household fended for its own security by allying itself with the bank that financed its purchase and profited at its expense.


Conclusion


Natural catastrophes and acts of violence propel security to the top of the public agenda. Yet the mundane and increasingly predictable instability of incomes, coupled with the inadequacy of private and public safety-nets, account for what is arguably the most pervasive sense of insecurity. Most households have no choice but to rely on finance to secure their physical and material wellbeing against the threat of harm or loss. They do so through formal insurance contracts or, as in the case study referenced here, through bank loans that enable them to buy homes. Finance bills itself as the instrument that allows them to self-secure. But in reality, it uses individual investments in security to create more profit at the top, and divert it away from public and private consumption. Households become implicated in finance for the sake of their own security. Their financed investments, in turn, exacerbate their collective insecurity.


Hadas Weiss is a postdoctoral fellow at the Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies. She studies agency and security in Israel, as situated within and conditioned by global social and economic trends. She has most recently published in American Ethnologist, Political and Legal Anthropology Review, and American Anthropologist.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/02/security-and-finance/

Keep Calm and Carry On?

Challenges of Doing Fieldwork under Fear and Fire in an Israeli Border Town


The bus station in Kiryat Shemona decorated with national flags and flags from various military units.Photo courtesy Cathrine Furberg Moe

The bus station in Kiryat Shemona decorated with national flags and flags from various military units. Photo courtesy Cathrine Furberg Moe



This essay offers some reflections on how long-term field research in conflict settings influences the research process and the researcher. In 2008–09 I did anthropological fieldwork in the Israeli town of Kiryat Shemona situated parallel to the northern border with Lebanon. The town of 25,000 residents is inhabited largely by Mizrahim, Jews descended from Arab and Muslim countries. In the 1950s, they were sent to peripheral regions to populate remote districts, prevent the return of the displaced Palestinian population and create an internal frontier against the neighbouring Arab countries considered hostile to the new state. Over the years, Kiryat Shemona has been the frequent target of Hezbollah-fired Katyusha rockets. The most notable response by Mizrahim to the Ashkenazi political dominance, economic hardship and existential insecurity has been the intensification of their bond with the political right and peripheral forms of ethno-nationalism. Before arriving at the field site I had prepared myself academically, and to my best ability, emotionally, to conduct fieldwork in a politicized setting and potentially under fire. A key challenge was how I would navigate the tension between maintaining an analytical capacity while informants sought endorsement of their angst and at times xenophobic attitudes. How would I feel listening to opinions I did not agree with or handle a situation where it was assumed that I would be sympathetic? Overt calmness and situational self-silencing emerged as combined coping strategies and research methodologies.


Keep Calm


Weeks into fieldwork, I noted how some of the residents used “strength” as a spoken and behavioral code to deal with borderland anxieties. When I first met Keren, a Mizrahi middle-aged woman, one warm July afternoon in 2008, she welcomed me mockingly to the “Katyusha town.” As we walked around the neighbourhood she painstakingly pointed towards places that had been hit by Katyusha rockets during the second Lebanon war. An apartment building, a house, roads, streams and trees, all seemed to bear damage from the war. Past wars and trauma were part of collective memory and emerged as frequent themes of conversation. “We have learned to live with fear, we have gotten strong” was a phrase I often heard.


Faced with a rocket attack during the Gaza War in 2009, I had conflicting feelings about the situation I faced. The local population supported the military operation overwhelmingly. I knew that there was a great chance that Kiryat Shemona could be the target of rockets during my stay. While I opposed the war in Gaza, I sympathized with and shared the residents’ sense of fear. Early on the morning of January 14, 2009 I was awakened by the siren alert for incoming rockets, the tzeva adom (red code). I remained in my bedroom which was the fortified room of the house. It was built from solid concrete, but gave a false promise of protection. Shortly after the siren I heard a large sound of rockets followed by distant explosions. Keren and her husband called from outside that we had to seek shelter in their basement. I waited for a period of silence then ran across the yard. We all remained indoors that day, watching the news. The rockets landing near Kiryat Shemona were described as part of a solidarity attack by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.


A choir performing at Remembrance Day in front of a soldier in a glowing sunset. Photo courtesy Cathrine Furberg Moe

A choir performing at Remembrance Day in front of a soldier in a glowing sunset. Photo courtesy Cathrine Furberg Moe



Keren exhaled with a sigh of relief. “There is a word you need to know to live in Israel,” she said. “Balagan (mess). There is always balagan. We try to run a normal life. Whenever a rocket falls you seek shelter, then life continues. You can’t be afraid all the time.” Keren had been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress syndrome. “But it is not post. The post never comes. We are always in the midst of it,” she commented.


I realized that I too, had adopted their ideal of being strong and remained calm during fire. Keren remarked that my reaction meant that I was becoming though and strong, just like an Israeli. She turned my ability to endure hardship into a sign of stoicism, ascribing me with an insider status.


Strategic Self-Silencing


Several scholars of nationalism argue that the production of national sentiments can be a strategy to counter fear and become a source of moral grounding. Hastings argues that nationalist sentiments arise chiefly when and where a particular ethnic or national group feels that its character or importance is being threatened, for instance through external attack or an imagined threat or grievance (Hastings 1997:198). According to Giddens, the psychology of nationalism is that of an extraordinary emotional mood that occurs when ordinary life is disrupted (1985:218). In the context of an Israeli border town, ordinary life was affected by nationalist sentiments because conflict was not a relatively transitory condition but perceived as a permanent. The Jewish-Arab Palestinian conflict has, most of the time, been understood as “routine, immutable, an uncontrollable given, an eternal fate” (Kimmerling 2008:156).


During the build-up to the war in Gaza and in the midst of it, more emotional energy was invested in the symbols of nationhood. Blue and white Israeli flags were flown on balconies, streets and in social media profiles. Banners with slogans such as “We are all IDF” and “We love Tzahal” (Hebrew acronym for the IDF) idealised the warrior image of the soldiers and was intended to boost their morale. Members of the local yeshiva moved their prayer ceremonies from the synagogue out into public space. The residents appearedto symbolically move themselves from the periphery to the centre of the nation as key actors in the moral legitimization of war. In everyday life, I witnessed the anxieties associated with racism, inequality and marginalization that both Mizrahim and Arabs experienced. For Mizrahi residents, expressing anti-Arab and anti-Muslim sentiments had become a strategy to negotiate their position in the Israeli ethnic hierarchy.


Faced with both hot nationalism and banal xenophobia, I applied situational self-silencing as a combined coping strategy and research methodology. As an anti-occupation, non-Israeli student, my political views were different from the majority of the residents who were at times fiercely patriotic. I withheld some of my thoughts and feelings and bordered on an apolitical stance in order to establish and maintain relationships in the town. I did not share the extent of my critical view of the political right-wing developments within Israeli society. This partial self-silencing aimed at not offending or pushing away informants was a source of emotional stress. At times it generated a sense of loneliness and reinforced the feeling of being isolated.


Carry On?


Sometimes we do need to carry on observing the variable salience of social forces. However, it can be equally important knowing when to exit and draw a line. The first months of fieldwork I felt energetic and enthusiastic. The following six months, I adopted local coping strategies that allowed me to deal both with ordinary fear and dramatic events like a rocket attack. To deal with my own self-silencing I took brief trips out of town and stayed connected with friends through social media. However, toward the end of fieldwork in late spring 2009, I started to withdraw from data-gathering activity. I experienced a tension between my informants’ idealization of my strength and the actual anxiety I felt. Keren and her family had generously opened their lives to me but I could not share their (at times) strong xenophobia. While my surface appeared calm, my body was in a state of anxiety as I tried to no negotiate the ambiguous feelings I held. The unintended consequences of carrying on became a sense of leaving with loose ends.


If I had been more aware of tools for addressing anxieties, I would perhaps have been able to reduce its power and knowing when to exit. I propose that more sound guidelines for de-briefing are needed in the ethnography of violence. Post-fieldwork, the anthropologist could have a round of safe supervision, focusing on the affective dimensions of fieldwork. Sometimes one needs a distance to critical events to be able to reflect. The self is more than a research tool. We leave the field marked with new strengths and scars. The professional silence surrounding the potential emotional stress of fieldwork in conflict zones should be removed. Otherwise it can be challenging to carry on.


Cathrine Furberg Moe earned her anthropology PhD from London School of Economics. She is a senior researcher at Fafo Institute for Applied International Studies in Oslo, Norway. Her book Nationalism and the Politics of Fear in Israel: Race and Identity on the Border with Lebanon will be published this fall.






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New clues in the search to rediscover the mysterious Maya Blue formula

The recipe and process for preparing Maya Blue, a highly-resistant pigment used for centuries in Mesoamerica, were lost. We know that the ingredients are a plant dye, indigo, and a type of clay known as palygorskite, but scientists do not know how they were 'cooked' and combined together. Now, a team of chemists has come up with a new hypothesis about how it was prepared.



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Scientists provide a more accurate age for the El Sidrón cave Neanderthals

A study has been able to accurately determine the age of the Neanderthal remains found in the El Sidrón cave (Asturias, Spain) for which previous studies had provided inexact measurements. The application of a pre-treatment to reduce contamination by modern carbon has managed to lower the margin of error from 40,000 to just 3,200 years.



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Monday 1 April 2013

EAS and Interdisciplinary Collaborations

The Culture and the Mind Project


Evolutionary anthropology is a diverse branch of the field, but many EAS members share a devotion to fieldwork and the use of rigorous, quantitative methods in their efforts to understand human behavior in context. These qualities lend themselves well to collaborative research into questions of cross-cultural variability and universality of interest to researchers outside of anthropology, and have led to the participation by EAS members in a number of large-scale inter-disciplinary projects over the years. One recent example of such fruitful collaboration is the Culture and the Mind project, led by Stephen Laurence of the Department of Philosophy at the University of Sheffield.


The Culture and the Mind project (C+M), funded by the UK’s Arts and Humanities Research Council is a large-scale, and cross-cultural investigation of an array of subjects of interest to psychologists, philosophers, cognitive scientists and anthropologists, including development of theory of mind, folk epistemology, pedagogy, naïve mind/body dualism, prosociality, the relation between intentions and morality, norms of morality and punishment, material culture ownership, prestige goods, and functional fixedness in artifact use.


No fewer than fourteen members of EAS have been involved in the project at some level throughout its four-year history, in project design, data collection in the field, or both. The total number of participants is considerably larger. Laurence cites an earlier project he directed, the Innateness and the Structure of the Mind project, as a major influence on C+M. Participants in that earlier project impressed on him the need for collaboration with anthropologists. He notes, “for many questions regarding key aspects of human cognition, we currently have more by way of comparable quantitative data on other species in relation to humans than we have on how humans in diverse cultural groups compare. Clearly, there is a real need for such data, and seeking it out has been the cornerstone idea of the project from the start.” He also cites Joseph Henrich’s (U British Columbia) project on the Foundations of Human Sociality as a key impetus, and as an inspiration for the feasibility of such a large-scale project. A number of current and past EAS members were also key contributors to that landmark cross-cultural study of human cooperation.


Close collaboration with anthropologists with extensive field experience was key to the development of methods for the Cultural and Mind project, which by design are both comparable across sites and ethnographically grounded, involving innovative, locally-informed experimental paradigms and vignette-based questionnaires. According to Laurence, the greatest methodological challenges were in accommodating the diversity of cultures involved in the project:


“The project has run experiments at a total of nineteen field sites, working with traditional societies in rural settings all around the world. In the vast majority of cases, the field sites involved small-scale societies, but the cultures ranged from hunter-gatherer societies, to slash and burn horticultural societies, to fishing communities, to nomadic herding populations, and occupied a vast range of different ecological niches.”


H Clark Barrett (UC Los Angeles), the C+M anthropology coordinator and EAS member, recounts that additional challenges stemmed from the diversity of perspectives among the researchers involved, for example in seeking consensus on how to implement experimental protocols across cultures. For example, in designing the project on the role of intentions in judgments of moral violations, the anthropologists agreed food taboos would be important to examine since people may find eating forbidden food morally wrong independent of the knowledge or intentions of the person who had broken the taboo. However, they also agreed on the culturally contextual nature of moral norms. Barrett notes:


“…every culture has foods that are not acceptable to eat, but because of the cross-cultural variation in how this is framed, it was difficult to find foods in each culture that would allow interpretation of the results to be comparable across sites. The resulting conversations were an interesting exercise in the micro-sociology of science.”


Views of culture and expectations as to its influence on psychological variation also varied among the project’s members, leading to healthy theoretical debates within the project, according to Laurence. In regards to culture, Barrett says the only a priori hypothesis is that the participants in the research are humans who have grown up in a range of diverse cultures, including many that are typically underrepresented in psychological studies of the mind–non-Western, non-industrialized cultures. He observes: “This range of cultures gives us the opportunity to test hypotheses about human psychological universals, as well as human psychological variation, in an unprecedented way.”


Despite any challenges, C+M has already seen the publication of what will likely be a series of high-impact papers on the interaction of culture with the evolved human mind. The first, on early theory of mind development, was published in January’s Proceedings of the Royal Society B. However, much of the analysis lies ahead. While Barrett does not want to spoil preliminary results before publication, he thinks, “it’s safe to say that the project will, in some cases, provide new evidence in favor of existing theories of human psychology, and in other cases, may help to overturn some previously popular theories.”


Laurence shares high hopes that the project will contribute to our understanding of culture, cognition, and the mind across the range of domains tackled by the project. However, beyond the actual experimental results, he hopes, “the project will serve as inspiration to others to undertake similar cross-cultural studies that deliver comparable quantitative data while at the same time being ethnographically informed.”


Adam Howell Boyette is the EAS Section News contributing editor. He conducts research on childhood and human adaptation in the southwestern Central African Republic. He is interested in how social learning and child development relate to cultural transmission. He is currently a PhD candidate at Washington State University, Vancouver.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/01/eas-and-interdisciplinary-collaborations/

PoLAR will have a 2012 Impact Factor

Little known by the members of APLA, every June there is a publishing flutter when Thomson Reuters publishes the prior year’s “Impact Factors.” Some of this buzz reflects jockeying among medical and hard science journal editors and publishers, flapping about who is number 1—or who fell to number 5. While not a flap of this magnitude, APLA members could pause and congratulate their current (John Conley and Justin Richland) and past editors for their journal’s debut in June 2013 on the “Anthropology” list.


In order to be indexed on a given list, publishers (like AAA and Wiley-Blackwell) have to apply. Inclusion is competitive. Thomson Reuters reports that it receives applications for more than 2,000 titles each year and only accepts 10-12% of these journals. The application process can take up to three years.


The impact factor represents a ratio of citations per scholarly units within a short timeframe, less than two years. The impact factor counts only citations from a very specific list of English-language journals, and it’s fair to say that for many disciplines the number can only provide a narrow reading of value. For instance, in some disciplines, monographs or conference proceedings are important and the impact factor is not as valid a tool as in disciplines where journals dominate the scholarly exchange. Similarly in most humanities fields, in which citations require more time than two years to publish and in which much scholarly activity is not in English, the impact factor cannot reflect the same kind of assessment as it may in more technical fields.


Any author facing the question of “where to publish my article,” views a dizzying expanse—and a geometrically growing landscape—of possible journals. Some historians of science calculate that new journals have increased at a consistent 5-7% rate each year since the late 18th century. Over three centuries, that’s spawned a vast frontier. Some authors navigate this selection process by looking for journals with impact factors, a marker that some deans and personnel committees consider extremely favorably when reviewing candidates for hiring, tenure and promotion. In addition, some libraries use the impact factor in making purchasing decisions. In other words, in any overloaded system –and scholarly journal publishing certainly qualifies—numerical shorthand can aid individuals in traversing an uneven terrain.


Ultimately, the worth of a given journal is a complex matrix of its refereeing system (or peer-review process); the promptness of its publication; the accuracy and completeness of information; and the journal’s general reputation. I’m delighted to state unambiguously that PoLAR fares extremely well across all of these criteria. However, I do not wish to undervalue the very real prestige of this honor. Whatever the shortcomings of the actual impact factor, readers should not hesitate to celebrate the editors’ substantial achievement in producing content that has been dubbed worthy of an impact factor.


Oona Schmid is director of publishing of the American Anthropological Association.


Please send ideas for future columns to the APLA contributing editors, Leo Coleman at Coleman.514@osu.edu and Allison Fish at fish.88@osu.edu.






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/01/polar-will-have-a-2012-impact-factor/

Imagining a Deaf Utopia

In the summer of 2005, I drove to rural South Dakota to visit the offices of the Laurent Company, whose aim was to build a town for the deaf. By the time I moved there to begin my field work in 2007, the company was bankrupt, plans for Laurent had been abandoned, and the proposed founders had moved to Indiana and placed their children in the Indiana School for the Deaf. Instead of the deaf Mecca I had been chasing, I found myself in a state that would shortly be closing down instructional programs at its own dedicated school for the deaf.


The South Dakota School for the Deaf (SDSD) had been an emotional and practical center-point for the deaf in South Dakota since its founding in 1880. Local deaf activism and fundraising always seemed to circle back around to the school: the Deaf Sertoma Club sold potatoes by the hundredweight to raise money for a scoreboard in the gymnasium; the South Dakota Association for the Deaf and a local deaf-run business raised almost $300,000 to buy a plot of SDSD’s land and historical buildings that the state had put up for sale. So its closure came as something of a surprise, even though administrators, parents, and members of the deaf community had been worrying about declining enrollment since the mid-1970s.


How could the deaf community, locally and nationally, be vibrant enough to attract interest in a town for the deaf, but in such decline that it could no longer support a dedicated school? Perhaps I had merely been suckered by the Laurent Company and there was no such interest. Or maybe the state was acting in bad faith, neglecting what could have been a viable school and forcing its closure.


The answer to this paradox lay in one of my original research questions about Laurent: who would have lived there? How could one imagine, let alone enforce, a town filled with just deaf people? But the town was not supposed to be of the deaf, but for the deaf–a place where deaf people would not feel ostracized or stigmatized, would not be excluded from civic participation because they used American Sign Language or needed an interpreter. In a comment on the Laurent Company’s blog, one of the co-founders (a hearing woman with a deaf daughter, son-in-law, and grandchildren) clarified their mission of creating a town where language would not be a barrier for either deaf or hearing:


Laurent has never been planned or presented as a town for only deaf. If you think about it, few families have only deaf members. Most have deaf, hearing and maybe even hard of hearing. Signing, [sic] is the common link we share.


As many as 95% of deaf children are born to two hearing parents, and while fewer statistics are available, over 90% of deaf parents are estimated to have hearing children. In a large, sparsely populated state like South Dakota, deaf children growing up with a hearing family might have few chances to meaningfully interact with deaf peers or adults: in 2008, in 33 of the state’s 66 counties, there were between one and five deaf students in the entire county, and in 12 others, there were no deaf students at all. Dedicated schools for the deaf give children a chance to learn to sign, to get specialized education, and to interact with peers without feeling that their deafness is a stigma or their defining characteristic.


Parents deciding between sending their children to SDSD or keeping them in local schools were driven by many of the same conflicting desires that inspired other families to consider uprooting their lives and moving to Laurent. They wanted to find some bridge between deaf and hearing worlds. Many parents of deaf children, be they hearing or deaf themselves, are attracted to the aforementioned advantages of a dedicated school, but they also highly value keeping their child in the family home. This was the conundrum Laurent promised to resolve–raising a child in a world designed for the deaf but with space for the existing family unit.


Given that no space quite like Laurent exists, families handle this trade-off differently. A mother and ASL teacher in South Dakota explained her choice to send her teenage son to the Iowa School for the Deaf; she did not feel he was getting enough interaction with peers or even teachers who were fluent in ASL due to SDSD’s declining enrollment and ability to attract well qualified teachers. She lobbied for better resources, but finally sent him away: “He is living with a stranger, but he is getting a good education and he is happy.” As the actions of the intended founder of Laurent showed, other families have moved en masse to enable their children to go to dedicated schools but still live with their families. But these choices are unusual. Local public schools have become more attractive because they have received increased resources for special education (a result of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act). For most of the parents of the 400 deaf children living in South Dakota, sending a deaf child to a dedicated school for the deaf was not worth the sacrifice of home residence.


Laurent was the dream of what its founders termed “the world’s first fully integrated town.” But the slowly declining enrollment at SDSD has been the reality of compromise, and one that has tilted towards more families choosing to keep their child closer to home. The resultant mainstreaming of deaf students–also in pursuit of integration, albeit on different terms–will undoubtedly be consequential for both those students and for the deaf community as a whole, although in ways that are as yet unknown.


Please send your comments, contributions, news and announcements to SLA contributing editors Aaron Ansell (aansell@vt.edu) or Bonnie Urciuoli (burciuol@hamilton.edu).






via Anthropology-News http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/04/01/imagining-a-deaf-utopia/